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I)e i^isitoncal ^tvitsi fov 'Bible ^tunentis. 


Professor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., o/ Yale Universify 


Professor FRANK K. SANDERS, VYi,T>., formerly of 
Yale University 

Sfolume VI. 





C^e i^isitottcal ^crfcjs for TBible ^tuoentss 

Edited by Professor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., of Yale University, and 
Profei&or FRANK K. SANDERS, Ph.D., formerly of Yale University 

IN response to a widespread demand for non-technical yet scholarly and reli- 
able guides to the study of the history, literature, and teaching of the Old 
and Tsiew Testaments, and of the contemporary history and literature, this series 
aims to present in concise and attractive form the results of investigation ^nd 
exploration in these broad fields. Based upon thoroughly critical scholarship, it 
will emphasize assured and positive rather than transitional positions. The series 
as a whole is intended to present a complete and connected picture of the social, 
political, and religious life of the men and peoples who figure most prominently in 
the biblical records. 

Each volume will be complete in itself, treating comprehensively a given sub- 
ject or period. It will also refer freely to the biblical and monumental sources,- 
and to the standard authorities. Convenience of size, clearness of presentation, 
and helpfulness to the student, will make the series particularly well adapted for 
(i) practical text-books for college, seminary, and university classes; (2) hand- 
books for the use of Bible classes, clubs, and guilds; (3) guides for individual 
Study; and (4) books for general reference. 


X. The United Kingdom. Sixth edi- Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., Professor of 
tion. Biblical Literature, Yale University. 

a. The Divided Kingdom. Sixth edi- 


3. The Babylonian, Persian, and Greek Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., Professor of 

Periods. Biblical Literature, Yale University. 

4. The Maccabean and Roman Period James S. Riggs, D.D., Professor of Bib- 
(including New Testament Times). lical Criticism, Auburn Theological Sem- 


5. History of the Egyptians. James H. Breasted, Ph.D., Assistant 

Professor of Semitic Languages and 
Egyptology, The University of Chicago. 

6. History of the Babylonians and George S. Goodspeed, Ph.D., Professor 

Assyrians. . of Ancient History, The University of 



7. The Life of Jesus. Rush Rhees, President of the University 

of Rochester. 
I. The Apostolic Age. George T. Purves, Ph.D., D.D., late 

^ Professor of New Testament Literature 

and Exegesis, Princeton Theological 


9. From Earliest Times to the Cap- Fkank K. S.^nders, Ph.D., Professor 

tivJty. of Biblical Literature, Yale University. 

IQ. Prom the Exile to 300 A.D. 

Volumes i, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, and 8 Now Ready. 


The preparation of this volume has occupied a much 
longer time than was anticipated when the invitation 
of the editors to contribute to this series was accepted. 
The new materials, constantly supplied by the inde- 
fatigable activity of excavators and by the scientific 
investigation of philological and historical scholars, 
require the unceasing adjustment, enlargement, and 
revision of historical conclusions, and force one quite 
to despair of reaching anything like finality. The his- 
torian of Babylonia and Assyria, therefore, must be 
satisfied to sum up fairly and fully the information at 
present in hand without undue appreciation of new 
and tentative theories. Accordingly, the present work 
finds its justification in the desirability of putting a 
compact, popular, and fairly comprehensive sketch of 
the history of these ancient states, as it is to-day con- 
ceived, into the hands of all who are interested in the 
progress of human civilization in its earliest stages, 
and especially in the development of the peoples who 
came into so close relations with the Hebrews. It is 
becoming increasingly evident that the Old Testament 
in all its elements, literary, historical, and religious 
cannot be adequately understood without relating them 
to the history of all the peoples round about Israel, 
and especially to that of the Babylonians and Assyri- 


ans, who exercised so potent and permanent an influ- 
ence upon the fortunes and the thoughts of the Chosen 

A word is desirable concerning some special features 
of the book. 

(1) The " Bibliography " does not pretend to be com- 
plete, but only to contain the outstanding works in the 
vast field. 

(2) The " References " are intended not merely to 
aid the reader in widening the range of his knowledge 
of facts and details concerning the subject under con- 
sideration, but also to guide him in special investigation 
of important topics. 

(3) The spelling of the proper names does not rigidly 
follow any body of principles. When a name has be- 
come domesticated in a popular form, that form has 
usually been chosen. Otherwise it has been sought 
to give an orthographically accurate reproduction of 
the original. Often, at the first use of a name, hyphens 
have been employed to indicate its component parts. 
In the index of persons and places, an attempt, doubt- 
less quite imperfect, has been made to indicate the 
proper pronunciation of each name. No one can be 
more cognizant than the author of the inadequate re- 
sults achieved in respect to the whole matter. 

(4) The map has been prepared with the purpose of 
indicating the larger number of the places mentioned 
in the text. Accordingly, some localities, the positions 
of which with our present knowledge can be deter- 
mined only tentatively, have been set down with what 
may seem to scholars not a little audacity. The de- 
sirability of being able to follow the description of a 
campaign or to fix the location of a city mentioned 


has induced me to run the risk of seeming to be wise 
above what is known. 

My obligations to the scholars who for half a cen- 
tury have been working in the Assyriological field are 
manifest on every page of this work. Special mention 
should, however, be made where unusual service has 
been rendered, although I despair of making anything 
like complete acknowledgment. Abundant use has 
been made of the admirable series of translations 
contained in the Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, 
edited by Professor R. F. Harper. I am grateful to my 
colleague and friend, Professor Harper, for the cordial 
way in which he has assented to my request to employ 
these translations. To my colleagues, Professors Ira 
M. Price and Benjamin Terry, who have read the 
proofs of the work throughout with critical and pains- 
taking zeal, I am indebted far more than words can 
express for their invaluable assistance. I am likewise 
under obligation to my uncle, Dr. T. W. Goodspeed, 
who has rendered a similar service in connection with 
the manuscript. I have been favored with the gen- 
erous help of another colleague. Professor W. Muss- 
Arnolt, who has placed at my disposal his admirable 
bibliographical knowledge and his wide and thorough 
acquaintance with the Assyrian field. If the work shall 
be found to represent, in some approximate measure, 
the present standard of Assyriological science, and to 
be reasonably free from faults of expression, the result 
is due in large part to the genial and sympathetic ser- 
vice of these friends, although they are not to be held 
accountable for either its defects or its opinions. To 
the editors of the series to which the volume belongs 
I would express my thanks for their encouragement 


and criticism in the course of its preparation ; to the 
publishers, Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons, for their 
generous co-operation in securing its typographical ex- 
cellence, and to the many friends who have shown so 
warm an interest in the appearance of the book. I 
hope that to some extent it may serve the cause of 
sound learning, and be worthy, both in spirit and con- 
tent, to stand beside the preceding volumes of the 

G. S. G. 

The Ukiversity of Chicago, 
August, 1902. 

Since the appearance of the first edition of this book some 
new discoveries have been made, chief among which has been 
that of the Stele of Khammurabi. This important document 
has not, however, caused any material correction in our views 
of Babylonian life and history, but merely enlarged the details 
' )ur knowledge. Time has not permitted, nor has necessity 
reij[uired, any considerable changes in the text of this volume. 
Some "Additions and Corrections" to the first edition will be 
found on page xiv. For most of the emendations the author is 
indebted to reviewers, whose interest in the volume, in most 
cases friendly, he here acknowledges heartily, and particularly 
to his colleague, Dr. J. M. P. Smith, who has placed at the 
author's disposal the results of a careful reading of the pages 
of the first edition. 

G. S. G. 
December, 1903. 




I. The Laxds of the Euphrates and Tigris . 3 

II. The Excavations in Babylonia and Assyria 14^ 

III. The Language and Literature 25 . 

IV. Chronology and History 37 



I. The Dawn of History 49 

II. Movements toward Expansion and Unifica- 
tion 57 

III. Civilization of Old Babylonia: Political 

AND Social Life 71 

IV. Civilization of Old Babylonia: Literature, V 

Science, Art, and Religion 86 

V. The Times op Khammurabi of Babylon. 

2300-2100 B. c 107 * 






I. The Kassite Conquest of Babylonia and the 

Appearance of Assyria. 2000-1500 b. c. . 121 
II. The Early Conflicts of Babylonia and As- 
syria. 1500-1150 B. c 131 

III. Civilization and Culture in the Kassite 

Period 143 

IV. The Times of Tiglathpileser I. 1100 b. c. . isb" 




I. The Ancient World at the Beginning of 

THE First Millennium. 1000 b. c 177 


Mesopotamia. 885-860 b. c 185 

III. The Advance into Syria and the Rise of 
Urartu : from Shalmaneser II. to the 

Fall of his House. 860-745 b. c 203 

lY. The Assyrian Revival. Tiglathpileser III. 

AND Shalmaneser IV. 745-722 b. c. . . . 223 
V. The Assyrian Empire at its Height. Sar- 

GON II. 722-705 b. C 213 

YI. The Struggle for Imperial Unity. Sen- 
nacherib. 705-681 B. c f 65 

VII. Imperial Expansion and Division. Esar- 

HADDON. C81-668 B.c 284 



VIII. The Last Days of Splendor. Ashurbanipal. 

668-626 B.c 302 

IX. The Fall of Assyria. 626-606 b. c. ... 320 



I. The Heirs of Assyria 33^3 

II. Nebuchadpszzar and his Successors . . . 337 

III. Babylonia unde.i the Kaldeans 351 

IV. The Fall of Babylon 367 

Chronological Summary 377' 

A Selected Bibliography 385 

References 393 

Index of Names and Subjects 405 

Index of Old Testament References 422 

Map The Would of Oriental Antiquity Frontispiece 
Plans of Nineveh and Babylon . . Opposite page 278 
Additions and Corrections xiy 



P. 34, lines 5-7 from top. Since these words were written 
the code of Khammurabi of Babylon has been discovered (see 

P. 107. In the winter of 1901-1902 the French explorer De 
Morgan discovered at Susa a broken stele about eight feet high, 
which was found to contain the law-code of king Khammurabi. 
After a prologue of about 300 lines, containing a glorification of 
the king for his services to the gods and the care of his subjects, 
follows a series of laws which is estimated to have contained 
originally some 282 separate regulations. Some 247 are now 
legible. The code is concerned little, if at all, with religious 
matters; the chief content is almost entirely civil and criminal, 
dealing with such subjects as marriage, the family, property 
rights, agricultural and commercial activities. 

P. 115, lines 5-9 from bottom. The Stele of Khammurabi 
declares that the king restored the temple at Nippur. Hence 
Hilprecht regards the ruins as due to an unrecorded Elamite in- 
vasion. See, also, the American Journal of Theology, vol. vii. 
p. 725. 

In the map in the front of the volume the site of Eridu is to 
be placed further down the river and on the western side. 



1. In the lofty table-land of Armenia, lying some 
seven thousand feet above sea level, and guarded on the 
south by mountain walls, the rivers Tigris and Euphra- 
tes have their origin. Breaking through the southern 
range, the one stream on its eastern, the other on its 
western flank, they flow at first speedily down a 
steep incline from an altitude of eleven hundred feet 
in a general southeaster]^ direction, draw closer to one 
another as they descend, and, after traversing a region 
measuring as the crow flies over eight hundred miles 
in length, issue as one stream into the Persian gulf. 
This region from the northern mountains to the 
southern sea, dominated and nourished by the two 
rivers, is the scene of the historical development to be 
traced in this volume. A striking difference in geo- 
logical structure divides it into two parts of nearly 
equal length. For the first four hundred miles the 
country falls off from the mountains in a gentle slope. 
The difference in elevation between the northern and 
southern extremities aggregates about a thousand 
feet. A plain of " secondary formation " is thus made, 
composed of limestone and selenite, through which 
the rivers have cut their way. From this point to the 
gulf succeeds a flat alluvial district, the product of 


the deposit of the rivers, made up of sand, pebbles, 
elay, and loam, upon which the rivers have built their 
channels and over which they spread their waters in 
the season of inundation. 

2. The former of these two divisions was called by 
the Greeks Mesopotamia, a term which they probably 
borrowed from the Semites, to whom the district, or 
at least a part of it, was known in Hebrew phrase as 
Aram naJiarayim^ "Aram of the two rivers," or to 
the Arameans as Beth naharin, " region (house) of the 
rivers." Marked out by the rivers and the northern 
mountains into an irregular triangle, drifting out over 
the Euphrates into the desert on the southwest, and ris- 
ing over the Tigris to the Zagros mountains on the east 
and northeast, this region occupies an area of more than 
fifty-five thousand square miles, in size about equal to 
the State of Illinois. Its physical contour and charac- 
teristics separate it into two fairly well-defined districts. 
In the northern and higher portion, isolated ranges, 
thrown off from the central chains, diversify the plain, 
which is watered by the mountain streams gather- 
ing into rivers of considerable size, like the Balikh 
and the Khabur. Limestone and, in some places, 
volcanic rock form the basis of a fertile soil. South 
and southeast of the Khabur the waters cease, gypsum 
and marl predominate, and the plain, down to the 
beginning of the alluvium, becomes a veritable steppe, 
the home of wandering Bedouin. The northern part, 
at least that west and north of the Khabur, was prob- 
ably the region known to the Egyptians as Nahrina, 
and in the Roman period constituted the province of 
Mesopotamia. On the other hand, Xenophon seems 
to call the southern portion Arabia; the term Is 


a striking evidence of the character of the district as 
steppe land, hardly to be distinguished from the west- 
ern desert, and occupied by the same wandering tribes. 
3. The second and southern division of the great 
Tigro-Euphrates valley is entirely the gift of the 
rivers, a shifting delta, over which they pour them- 
selves from the higher and solider formation of Meso- 
potamia. The proximity of the mountains in the 
northeast gives the whole plain a southwestern slope 
with the result that the Euphrates has spread over a 
portion of the southwestern desert and thereby added 
a considerable district to the proper alluvial region. 
Moreover, the process of land-making still continues 
in the south, the waters of the gulf being pushed 
back at the rate of about seventy-two feet every year. 
At present, this division comprises about thirty thou- 
sand square miles, but calculations, based upon the 
increase of the land about the Persian gulf, make it 
appear that in the ancient period it contained only 
twenty-three thousand square miles. Thus it was 
about equal in area to the southern half of the State 
of Louisiana, which it also resembled in being largely 
made up of alluvial and swampy districts that are the 
deltas of river systems. It lay also between the same 
degrees of latitude (about 30-33 N.). This was the 
land known to the Greeks, from the name of its 
capital city, Babylon, as Babylonia. It is an " inter- 
minable moorland," slightly undulating in the central 
districts and falling away imperceptibly toward the 
south into swamps and marshes, where the waters of 
the rivers and the gulf meet and are indistinguishable. 
The plain also stretches away toward the east, as 
in Mesopotamia, beyond the Tigris for a distance of 


from thirty to fifty miles, until it meets the mountains ; 
while, on the western side, across the Euphrates, it 
merges into the desert at a distance of twenty or 
thirty miles, where a line of low hills checks the 
river's overflow and gathers it into lakes and morasses. 
4. In these regions of Mesopotamia and Babylonia, 
so diversified in physical characteristics, the one essen- 
tial unifying element was the rivers. To them a large 
section of the land owed its existence ; the fertility and 
the prosperity of the whole was dependent upon them ; 
they were the chief means of communication, the main 
channels of trade, the distributors of civilization. It 
was in recognition of this that the ancient inhabitants 
called the Euphrates " the life of the land," and the 
Tigris " the bestower of blessing." Both are inunda- 
ting rivers, nourished by mountain snows. Yet, though 
they lie so near together and finally become one, they 
exhibit many striking differences. The Euphrates is 
the longer. It rises on the northern side of the Taurus 
range and winds its way through the plateau in a 
southwesterly direction as though making for "the 
Mediterranean which is only a hundred miles away. 
At about latitude 37 30', it turns due south and breaks 
into the plain. It runs in this direction for a hun- 
dred miles, then bending around toward the east, finds 
at last its true southeastern course and, covering in 
all a distance of seventeen hundred and eighty miles, 
unites with the Tigris and the sea. Unlike most great 
rivers, its lower course is less full and majestic than 
its upper waters. In its passage through the Mesopo- 
tamian plain it receives but two tributaries, the Balikh 
and the Khabur, and these from the upper portion. 
Thereafter it makes its way alone between desert and 


steppe with waning power. From the mouth of the 
Khabur to the alluvium its width gradually diminishes 
from four hundred to two hundred and fifty yards ; 
its velocity, from four to two and one half miles an 
hour. At the southern boundary of Mesopotamia 
it spreads out in canals and pools and swamps, some 
of its water reaching the Tigris ; but it recovers its 
former greatness farther down, receiving in its turn 
contributions from its sister stream. The Tigris has 
its source on the southeastern slopes of the Taurus, 
and makes a much more direct and speedy journey 
to the sea. Its length is eleven hundred and forty-six 
miles; its depth, volume, and velocity much greater 
than those of the Euphrates. It receives numerous 
tributaries from the eastern mountains not far distant 
in the north the Subnat, toward the middle of its 
course the upper and lower Zab, farther to the south 
the Turnat and the Radanu, all streams of con- 
siderable size, which swell its waters as they descend. 
The inundation of the Tigris begins earlier and is fin- 
ished before that of the Euphrates. The latter, with 
its more northern source, rises more slowly and stead- 
ily, and its high waters continue longer. Accordingly, 
the whole inundation period, including that of both 
rivers, is spread over half the year, from March to 
September (Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, I. pp. 
12 f.). The water sometimes rises very high. Loftus, 
in the spring of 1849, found that the Tigris had risen 
twenty-two and one half feet, which was about five 
feet above the ordinary height (Chaldsea and Susiana, 
p. 7). 

5. In consequence of the pouring do^vn of these 
immense volumes of water, the rivers have dtig chan- 


nels through the rock of the INIesopotiimian plain. 
The Euphrates, in particular, flows through a can- 
yon from two to three miles wide and sunk from 
one hundred to three hundred feet below the surface 
of the steppe. On the flats at the base of the 
cliffs, and on the islands in mid-stream, thick groves 
of tamarisk alternate with patches of arable land, 
where usually stand the few towns which the traveller 
finds in his journey along the river and which consti- 
tute the stations of his pilgrimage. Likewise, the 
streams running into the Tigris are said to burrow 
deep in the marl, forming ditches in the plateau, diffi- 
cult to cross. In the alluvial region, on the other 
hand, the rivers raise themselves above the surround- 
ing country, while hollowing out their beds, so 
that to-day the sides of the ancient canals rise like 
formidable ridges across the level plain and their 
dry beds form the most convenient roads for the 

6. Mesopotamia and Babylonia, although lying be- 
tween latitude 31 and 37, do not show climatic con- 
ditions so widely diverse as might be expected. The 
year is divided into two seasons. From November to 
March the rains fall ; then the drought ensues. The 
heat in summer is oppressive throughout the entire 
valley, and, when the frequent sand storms from 
Arabia are raging, is almost unbearable. The rainy 
season shows greater diversity of temperature. The 
northern plain, cut off from the mild airs of the Med- 
iterranean by the western ranges, is exposed to the 
wintry blasts of the northern mountains. Snow and 
ice are not uncommon. In Babylonia, however, frost 
is rarely experienced. It is probable that, when the 


canals distributed the waters more generally over the 
surface of the country, the extremes of temperature 
were greatly reduced. Even in modern times, travel- 
lers in Babylonia speak of the remarkable dryness and 
regularity of the climate, the serenity of the sky and 
the transparency of the air, the wonderful starlight, 
soft and enveloping, and the coolness of the nights, 
even in the hot season. 

7. Tliejertility of Babylonia was the wonder of the 
ancient world. The classical passage of Herodotus is 
still the best description: " This territory is of all that 
we know the best by far for producing grain ; as to 
trees, it does not even attempt to bear them, either 
fig or vine or olive, but for producing grain it is so 
good that it returns as much as two hundi'cd-fold for 
the average, and, when it bears at its best, it produces 
three hundred-fold. The blades of the tvheat and bar- 
ley there grow to be full four fingers broad ; and from 
millet and sesame seed, how large a tree grows, I know 
myself, but shall not record, being well aware that 
even what has already been said relating to the 
crops produced has been enough to cause disbelief in 
those who have not visited Babylonia" (Herod., I, 
193). This marvellous yield, however, was under 
the hand of man, w^ho by a system of canals brought 
the water of the rivers over every foot of ground. 
Apart from that, the land, rich as was its soil, lay ex- 
posed to floods in the winter and to parching heat and 
desert sand in the summer. Thick masses of reeds, 
springing up in the water-courses, produced morasses. 
The absence of trees of any size was a serious defect. 
To man, also, is due the introduction of the date-palm, 
the fig. and the vine, the two former flourishing in 


splendid luxuriance along the banks of the Euphrates, 
the vine, indeed, cultivated so little as almost to war- 
rant the statement of Herodotus just cited. As one 
advances northward upon the steppe, a treeless waste 
appears, stretching up to the Khabur. There are 
traces of former agricultural activity, but now all 
is barren, except in the trenches hollowed out by the 
great rivers. On the Euphrates side the palm has 
pushed northward, and groves of tamarisk and fields of 
grain are seen. The land east of the Tigris and that 
north of the Khabur, indeed, being watered, are pro- 
ductive. Traces of extensive forests have been found 
in some parts, and these regions still support an agri- 
cultural population of considerable size, by whom rice, 
millet, sesame, wheat, and barley are cultivated. Here, 
in the north, -are grown a variety of small fruits, mel- 
ons, peas, and cucumbers, as well as figs. Throughout 
the whole of Mesopotamia, indeed, the winter rains 
call forth a carpet of verdure " enlivened by flowers 
of every hue," but the heat of summer soon scorches 
the earth, and all cultures disappear where irrigation, 
natural or artificial, is not secured. 

8. Over these Mesopotamian plains roamed the 
gazelle and the wild ass, while in the reed-thickets 
of the river banks the lion, the wild ox, and the wild 
boar were found. Once, too, the ostrich and the 
elephant were hunted in Mesopotamia. The rivers 
swarmed with fish, and in their swamps waterfowl 
abounded. To man is due the introduction of the 
domestic animals. The camel came with the Bedouin 
from the desert, as also his flocks of sheep and goats. 
The horse is the " animal from the east." The dog 
was likewise imported. 


9. There was neither metal nor stone to be found 
in all the borders of Babylonia. Northern Mesopota- 
mia was better supplied because of neighboring moun- 
tains. From them were procured limestone and 
basalt, marble and alabaster. Copper and lead were 
obtained from the same source, as well as iron. The 
waters of the steppe supplied salt. In both north and 
south a substance was found which made the region 
famous in the ancient world. This was bitumen. 
On the northern edge of the alluvium, at the modern 
town of Hit on the Euphrates, were the renowned 
bitumen springs. A recent traveller describes them as 
follows : " Directly behind the town are two springs 
within thirty feet of one another, from one of which 
flows hot water, black with bitumen, while the other 
discharges intermittently bitumen, or, after a rain- 
storm, bitumen and cold water. . . . Where rocks 
crop out in the plain about Hit, they are full of 
seams of bitumen " (Peters, Nippur, I. p. 160). The 
less known bitumen wells of the north are on the 
plain east of the Tigris at the modern Karduk. 

10. The present condition of these lands illustrates 
their primitive aspects. The alluvial deposits, indeed, 
have steadily pushed back the waters of the gulf 
which once washed the shores of Mesopotamia, but 
the rivers still pour their turbid floods through the 
gypsum canyons and overspread the lowlands in times 
of inundation. Traces of human occupation and 
activity intensify the impression of the recurrence 
of nature's former supremacy. Canals have silted up 
and at their mouths, where the water gathers in the 
pools, luxuriant wild growths of reeds and rushes 
flourish in the slime. The sand swirls unhindered 


over the steppe and heaps up about the mounds where 
once cities stood. Lions hirk in the jungles, and 
wandering Arabs camp over tlie plains. Extremes of 
heat and cold alternately parch and freeze the ground. 
Fevers hang about the marshes, and the pestilence 
breeds in the lagoons. The Tigris and the Euphrates, 
now flowing between " avenues of ruins," sweep away 
dykes, once reared to curb the power of these mighty 
streams, tear down their banks, once lined with pal- 
aces, riot at their will through channels made by their 
own irresistible waters, and bring with them the de- 
posits of the mountain sides to enrich the soil of 
their deltas. A country of still splendid possibilities, 
destined sometime again to be the highway of the 
nations, it is a speaking testimony to the power of 
man. Before his advent it was uninhabitable and 
wild. When he had subdued it and cultivated it, it 
was the garden of the earth, the seat and the symbol 
of Paradise. 

11. The valley of the Tigris and Euphrates was 
anything but an isolated region. Unlike Egypt, it 
was open on almost every side. On the south, was 
the Persian gulf, along whose western shore lay the 
rich coasts of Oman, opening into southern Arabia, 
and beyond them, to the far southeast, India. To the 
east rose the massive and complex ranges of Zagros, 
over which led the passes up to the eastern plateau, 
and from whose heights the descent was easy, by 
pleasant stages of hill and plain, into the fertile 
Babylonian bottoms. Northward was the same moun- 
tain wall, behind which stretched out the high and 
diversified Armenian plateau, with its lakes and fertile 
valleys, opened up by the upper reaches of the Tigris 


and its tributaries. Westward the plain melted into 
the Arabian desert, except at the upper extremity, 
where the Euphrates swung around by the slopes of 
the Syrian hills, and thus made the highway into the 
regions watered by the moist wind of the Mediter- 
ranean, into Syria and Palestine and to the islands 
of the sea. 

12. Such was the theatre of the activities of the 
peoples who made the earliest history of mankind and 
about whom centred the hfe of the ancient East. The 
land was admirably fitted, nay, rather, predestined, by 
its physical characteristics and position to produce 
and foster such a history. A world in itself, it lay 
in close touch, in unavoidable contact, with the 
larger world on every side, upon whose destinies 
its inhabitants were to exercise so impressive and so 
permanent an influence. 



13. The kingdoms which in the regions just de- 
scribed flourished during the millenniums of the 
world's youth, while they left a deep impression upon 
the imagination of later ages, were cut off suddenly and 
by an alien race, at a time when interest in preserving 
the annals of the past by means of historical narrative 
had not yet been born among men. Their names 
appeared in the records of that Jewish people which, 
though conquered by them, had outlived its masters, 
or survived in traditions which magnified and dis- 
torted the achievements of kings who had flourished 
during some brief years of Babylonio -Assyrian 
history. Soon the centre of human progress 
passed from the Mesopotamian valley westward to 
the regions of southern Europe. Assyria and 
Babylonia were forgotten. Their cities, too, reared 
upon platforms of sun-dried bricks, and raised in 
solid masses of the same fragile materi,l to no great 
height, had been ruined by fire and sword, and grad- 
ually melted away under the disintegrating forces 
of nature until they became huge and shapeless 
mounds of earth without anything to identify them 
as having been once the abodes of men. The im- 
pression made by these ruins has been strikingly de- 
scribed by Layard - 


[The observer] is now at a loss to give any form to 
the rude heaps upon which he is gazing. Those of whose 
works they are the remains, unlike the Roman and the 
Greek, have left no visible traces of their civilization, or 
of their arts : their influence has long since passed 
away. The more he conjectures, the more vague the re- 
sults appear. The scene around is worthy of the ruin 
he is contemplating ; desolation meets desolation ; a 
feeling of awe succeeds to wonder; for there is noth- 
ing to relieve the mind, to lead to hope, or to tell of 
what has gone by. These huge mounds of Assyria 
made a deeper impression upon me, gave rise to more 
serious thought and more earnest reflection, than the 
temples of Balbec or the theatres of Ionia (Nineveh and 
its Remains, I. p. 29). 

14. It is not surprising, therefore, that men came 
to have only vague and often fantastic notions of 
these ancient empires, and that the ver}^ sites of their 
long famous capitals were lost. For fifteen hundred 
years Nineveh was but a name. Babylon came to be 
identified with Bagdad on the Tigris, or with the ruin- 
heap, not far distant, at Akerkuf . Here and there was 
a traveller, like the Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, who in 
1160 visited Mosul and beheld on the other side of the 
Tigris what he thought to be the site of Nineveh, and 
at a three days' journey from Bagdad found, near Hillah 
on the Euphrates, ruins identified by him with those 
of Babylon and of the tower of Babel. Both of these 
sites afterwards were proved to be the true locations 
of these cities. European geographers, even at the 
end of the sixteenth century, were in complete uncer- 
tainty on the subject. A century and a half passed 
before trustworthy scientific observations were made 


and the Preparatory Period (1750-1820 A.D.) of 
Babjdonio-Assyrian investigation began. 

15. In 1755 the French Academy of Inscriptions 
received a memoir which, based primarily on a 
report of the Carmelite, Emmanuel de St. Albert, 
gathered together the various lines of evidence to 
prove that the true site of Babylon was near the town 
of Hillah on the Euphrates, and that Birs Nimrud, 
on the opposite side of the river, was part of the same 
city. Ten years later, Carsten Niebuhr, a scholar, 
historian, and traveller, definitely identified the ruin-' 
mounds opposite Mosul with the ancient Nineveh, 
and made further observations on the site of Babylon. 
He also called attention to an extensive nifound, 
called Nimrud, some fifteen miles south of Nineveh. 
All these travellers, and others who followed them, 
noted the masses of brickwork cropping out above 
the ground, the immense fields of debris that 
covered the mounds, and the traces of strange 
characters found upon bricks and other objects that 
lay upon the surface. It could not but be evident 
that further progress in discovering the secrets" of 
these cities lay, on the one hand, in going beneath the 
surface, in searching these mounds with the spade, 
and, on the other, in the study of the inscriptions 
with the purpose of deciphering their meaning. 
Both these activities henceforth were pursued witli 
vigor. The excavation of the cities of Babylonia and 
Assyria and the decipherment of their language form 
two brilliant pages in the scientific annals of the 
nineteenth century. 

16. The pioneer in this new work of excavation 
was Claudius James Rich, who, while resident of the 


British East India Company in Bagdad, in 1811, visited 
and studied the ruins of Babylon, and, beginning in 
1820, made similar investigations of the mounds of 
Nineveh. In these visits he made surveys, opened 
trenches, and prepared careful plans of the ' sites. 
He afterwards published his results in memoirs. The 
inscriptions, engraved gems, and other objects 
gathered by him in these researches were forwarded 
to England and deposited in the British Museum, 
forming at that time the most considerable collection 
of the kind in the world. Some years before, the 
British East India Company had ordered its represen- 
tatives in Babylonia to gather and forward to Eng- 
land ancient Babylonian antiquities, and among the 
objects obtained was the now famous cylinder of 
Nebuchadrezzar II., known as the East India House 
inscription. Michaux, a French botanist, working in 
the vicinity of Ctesiphon a little before 1802, had 
chanced upon a marble object marked with strange 
signs and figures. It proved to be a fine " boun- 
dary stone " with an inscription of Mardukbal- 
iddin I. Yet so inconsiderable were all these 
objects that Layard was justified in his statement, 
made about 1845, that four years before "a case 
scarcely three feet square inclosed all that remained, 
not only of the great city, Nineveh, but of Babylon 
itself! " (Nin. and its Rem., I. p. 17). Rich's results 
aroused wide-spread interest, not only in England, 
but in America. In 1819 Edward Robinson, referring 
to them, declared, " we can all remember the pro- 
found impression made upon the public mind, even 
by these cursory memorials of Nineveh and Baby- 
lon" (Preface to American ed. of Layard's Nin. 

18 Introduction 

and its Rem.). Twenty years were to pass before 
this interest was to issue in practical activity, years 
filled indeed with the work of scholars, seeking to 
solve the riddle of the language of the inscrip- 
tions, and particularly with the splendid labor of 
Sir Henry Rawlinson in copying and studying 
tlie Behistun inscriptions of Persia. During this 
time, however, the mounds of Mesopotamia were 

17. In 1842, P. C. Botta was sent from France as 
consul to Mosul, and with his arrival begins a new 
period (1842-1854) w^hich, by reason of the character 
both of the work and the workers, may be termed the 
Heroic Period of excavation. Botta began digging on 
the two great mounds of Nineveh, marked off by Rich, 
and called Nebiyunus and Kouyunjik. Failing of suc- 
cess here, in 1843, at the suggestion of a peasant, he 
removed to Khorsabad, a mound about four miles to 
the northeast, where his digging immediately resulted 
in the discovery of a series of buildings of great ex- 
tent, adorned with wonderful sculptures, though 
in parts damaged by fire. The site proved to be Dur 
Sharrukin, a fortress, palace, and temple of Sargon, 
Assyria's greatest king. Botta and his successor, 
Victor Place, spent more than ten years in uncovering 
this palace and working upon other neighboring sites. 
The material was sent to Paris, and constitutes one 
of the chief treasures of the Louvre. In 1845, A. II. 
Layard, an English traveller and government official, 
familiar by many years of wandering in the Orient 
with the peoples and languages of Mesopotamia, was 
enabled, througli the munificence of the English min- 
ister at Constantinople, to fulfil a long-cherished 


desire by beginning excavations in this region. He 
chose the mound of Nimrud, fifteen miles south of 
Nineveh. Here, within two years (1845-1847), he 
unearthed three palaces belonging, respectively, to 
Ashurnagirpal, Shalmaneser II., and Esarhaddon, in 
one of which was found the famous black obelisk that 
contains the name of Jehu of Israel. The site itself 
was found to be the city of Kalkhi (Calah), made the 
capital of Assyria by Shalmaneser I. During the 
years 1849-1851 Layard devoted himself to the two 
mounds of Nineveh, and uncovered at Kouyunjik 
the palace of Sennacherib, and at Nebiyunus those 
of Adadnirari III., Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon. In 
the spring of 1852 his excavations, pursued at Kalah 
Sherghat, forty miles south of Nimrud, resulted in 
the identification of that mound as Assur, the earli- 
est Assyrian capital, and the discovery of the cylinder 
inscription of Tiglathpileser I. Layard's work was 
continued from 1852 to 1854 by Hormuzd Rassam, his 
assistant, who opened the palace of Tiglathpileser I. 
at Assur and obtained two other copies of his cylin- 
der inscription. At Nineveh he discovered in 1853, 
on the northern part of the mound Kouyunjik, the 
palace of Ashurbanipal, from one chamber of which 
he removed the famous library of over twenty thou- 
sand tablets. Nimrud yielded to him the Shamshi 
Adad monolith, and Nineveh, also, the two obelisks 
of Ashurna9irpal. The larger part of the objects ob- 
tained by both Layard and Rassam was sent to the 
British Museum, and became the basis of its incom- 
parable collection of Assyrian antiquities. 

18. In Babylonia, during these years, the work done 
was considerable, but not so brilliant in results. Lay- 


ard visited Babylonia in 1851, and experimented with 
diggings at Babylon and Niffer, the ancient Nippur, 
with little success. From 1849 to 1854, with the ex- 
ception of a year spent atSusa, W. K. Loftus worked 
on the mounds of Senkereh and Warka, the latter 
of which he identified beyond doubt with Uruk, the 
former being the ancient Larsam. From both cities 
he obtained metal and clay ornaments, and some 
choice clay tablets, besides coffins illustrative of the 
ancient methods of burial. In 1854 J. E. Taylor 
excavated at the ruins of a temple at Mugheir 
which was found to be the city of Ur, and at Abu 
Shahrein, identified with Eridu, the southernmost 
and oldest city of Babylonia. The same year Sir 
Henry Rawlinson, directing diggings at Birs Nimrud 
near Babylon, opened up the great temple there, 
and obtained from its foundations some cylinder in- 
scriptions of Nebuchadrezzar II. A French expedi- 
tion led by Fresnel and Oppert was occupied from 
1852 to 1854 in and around Babylon, the results of 
which, while not rich in objects obtained, were of 
special value for Babylonian topography. With the 
year 1854 the excavations halted. The twelve years 
had been productive of results brilliant beyond all 
expectation. These had been gained in large meas- 
ure by men who labored for the most part alone, 
having usually small sums of money available, hin- 
dered and harassed on every side by fever, famine, 
and flood, by attacks of Arabs, by the outbreaks of 
fanatical populations, and by the stolid obstinacy 
and arrant cupidity of Turkish officials, obsfcicles 
which would have daunted less resolute and enthusi- 
astic workers. 


19. Another gap of two decades now intervened, t 
The vast mass of material accumulated by the exca- 
vators had satiated the appetite. A new world of 
ancient life had, within a short space of twelve years, 
been thrown open to science, a world speaking an 
unknown tongue and revealing a great, but strange, 
literature, architecture, and art. The demand was 
for the study of what was already in hand, not for 
the search after new things; for the organization 
and publication of the results of excavation, not for 
the further heaping up of what could not be under- 
stood. These decades saw the issue of the first three 
volumes of " The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western 
Asia," edited for the British Museum by Sir Henry 
Rawlinson, an indispensable companion for all future 
students. During the same period, also, the secret of 
the language was penetrated, and Assyrian documents 
were being read with increasing ease and accuracy. 

20. In 1873 the revival of excavation began with / 
the expedition of George Smith to Nineveh. His 
purpose illustrates the new point of view reached dur- 
ing the intervening decades. Among the clay tablets 
brought back by Rassam from Ashurbanipal's library, 
were fragments of the Babylonian story of the Deluge. 
These, as translated by George Smith, aroused im- ? 
mense interest, which led to the desire that search be 
made for the missing fragments. The explorers of 
the Heroic Period had uncovered palaces, bas-reliefs, 
and statues, but had given the insignificant tablets 
secondary consideration. From the hbrary chamber 
of Ashurbanipal's palace Rassam liad extracted only 
those tablets which could be conveniently reached. 
With the power to read attained meanwhile, the tab- 


lets had become fully as importiint as the sculptures, 
if not more so. George Smith's expedition indicated, 

I therefore, that the Modern Scientific Period of excava- 
tion had begun. Its end is not yet in sight, since its 
goal is the investigation of all feasible localities in 
tlie Mesopotamian valley, with the purpose of throw- 
ing aU. available light upon the history and life of 
these ancient peoples. Another characteristic of this 
period is the careful selection of locations, and the 
studied organization of parties of excavators, well 
financed and provided with all desirable tools for in- 
vestigation. The results have already been startling. 
George Smith's work, begun in 1873, was continued 
in 1874 and 1876. In that year, on his return from 
Nineveh, he died at Aleppo, a martyr to his self-sacri- 
ficing devotion to his task. He had obtained many 
more books from the Ashurbanipal library, including 
some of the precious Deluge fragments, and had pur- 
chased for the British Museum some valuable tablets 
from Babylonia. H. Rassam, the veteran of the earlier 
period, was sent out to take his place. From 1877 
to 1882 he had great success. In Assyria liis chief 
" finds " were the Ashurnagirpal temple in Nimrud, the 
splendid cylinder of Ashurbanipal at Kouyunjik, and 
the unique and historically important bronze doors of 
the temple of Shalmaneser II., found at Balawat, fif- 
teen miles east of Mosul. His work in Babylonia 
was equally brilliant. At Babylon, the problem of 
the location of the ancient buildings in the different 
mounds, a subject beset with extraordinary difficul- 
ties, was attacked by him, and he identified the 

I famous Hanging Gardens with the mound known as 
Babil. A palace of Nebuchadrezzar II. at Birs Nim- 


rud (Borsippa) was also uncovered by him. His 
excavations at Tell Ibrahim proved that it was the 
site of the ancient city of Kutha. An experimental 
examination of the mound at Abu Habba, in 1881, 
opened up to this fortunate excavator the famous 
temple of the sun at Sippar. There he found cylin- 
ders of Nabuna'id (Nabonidus), and the stone tablet 
of Nabu-apal-iddin of Babylon with its ritual bas- 
relief and inscription, besides some fifty thousand 
clay tablets containing the temple accounts. 

21. Within recent years, beginning in 1877, a series 
of discoveries of first-rate importance has. been made 
by the French consul at Bassorah, de Sarzec, in the 
Babylonian mound of Tello. He has identified this 
spot with the city of Shirpurla (Lagash), which had 
a prominent place in early Babylonian history. In 
the course of his several campaigns he has unearthed 
a truly bewildering variety of materials illustrative 
of these primitiv^e ages. Palaces and statues, stelae 
and bas-reliefs, vases of silver, and a library contain- 
ing as many as thirty thousand tablets, are among his 
treasures, which were purchased, or otherwise secured, 
by the French government for the Louvre Museum. 
Kings hitherto unknown, and a world of artistic 
achievement undreamed of for these early ages, have 
come into view. A similar result has followed the 
work of the American Expedition, under the auspices 
of the University of Pennsylvania, which began, in 
1888, to excavate at Niffer, the site of old Nippur, a 
centre of early Babylonian religious life. The massive 
temple called Ekur has been uncovered, on which . 
kings of all periods of Babylonian history built. Dur- 
ing each successive year of the expedition's activity, 


new architectural and artistic features, and an increas- 
ing number of historical and religious records, have 
come to light. More than thirty thousand tablets have 
already been obtained, and the recent discovery of the 
great temple library opens up a wealth of material 
throwing light upon all sides of that ancient life over 
which hitherto there has lain almost complete dark- 
ness. The Turkish government, stimulated by the 
example of other nations, has begun to take steps to 
collect material for its museum at Constantinople, to 
protect its antiquities from destruotion and removal, 
and to make excavations upon Assyrian and Babylo- 
nian soil. Work at Sippar in 1893 has resulted in 
the securing of a number of clay tablets ; an important 
stele of Nabuna'id has been found at Babylon, and a 
bas-relief of Naram Sin, obtained at the head- waters 
of the Tigris, has been conveyed to the museum at 
Constantinople. A German expedition, excavating 
on the site of Babylon, has already made some impor- 
tant discoveries. Thus the interest in seeking for the 
original records of Assyrian and Babylonian civiliza- 
tion was never more keen and active than at the pres- 
ent day. Joined, as this interest is, to large resources 
and a scientific temper, and enlightened by the experi- 
ence of the past, it is destined to push the work of 
exploration and excavation in these countries to 
'still further lengths, until, so far as lies in the power of 
the original records to furnish material, the history 
and life of these peoples become as well known as are 
those of Greece and Rome. 



22. The discoverers of the long-buried memorials 
of Assyria and Babylonia were at first and for a long 
time unable to read their message. But side by side 
with the work of the explorer and excavator went 
continually the investigations of the scholar. The 
objects sent back by European excavators and installed 
in museums immediately attracted the attention and 
enlisted the energetic activity of many students, who 
gave themselves to the task of decipherment. Begin- 
ning with Georg Friedrich Grotefend, of Hannover, 
who, in 1815, published a translation of some brief 
inscriptions of the Achemsenian kings of Persia, this 
scientific activity was immensely stimulated by the 
discoveries and investigations of Sir Henry Rawlinson, 
who, after more than fifteen years of study in the East, 
published, in 1851, his "Memoir on the Babylonian 
and Assyrian Inscriptions " containing the text, trans- 
literation, and translation of the Babylonian part of 
the Behistun inscription, which records the triumph 
of Darius I. of Persia over his enemies. During the 
same period the brilliant French savant Jules Oppert, 
the Irish scholar Edward Hincks, and the Englishman 
Fox Talbot had been making their contributions to the 
new linguistic problem. In 1857 the accuracy and 


permanence of their results were established by a 
striking test. Copies of the inscription of Tiglath- 
pileser I. of Assyria, recently unearthed, were placed 
in the hands of the four scholars, Rawlinson, Oppert, 
Hincks, and Fox Talbot, and they were requested 
to make, independently of one another, translations 
of the inscription in question. A comparison of these 
translations showed them to be substantially identical. 
A new language had been deciphered, and a new chap- 
ter of human history opened for investigation. Since 
that time these and other scholars, such as E. Schra- 
der, Friedrich Delitzsch, Paul Haupt, A. H. Sayce, 
and many more in Europe and America have enlarged, 
corrected, and systematized the results attained, until 
now the stately science of Assyriology, or the or- 
ganized knowledge of the language, literature, and 
history of Babylonia and Assyria, has a recognized 
place in the hierarchy of learning. 

23. The Babylonio-Assyrian writing, as at first dis- 
covered in its classical forms, appears at a hasty 
glance like a wilderness of short lines running in every 
conceivable direction, each line at one end and some- 
times at both ends, spreading out into a triangular 
mass, or wedge. From this likeness to a wedge is 
derived the designation " wedge-shaped " or " cunei- 
form " (lat. cuneus)^ as applied to the characters and 
also to the language and literature. Closer examina- 
tion reveals a system in this apparent disorder. The 
characters are armnged in columns usually running 
horizontally, and are read from left to right, the great 
majority of the wedges either standing upright or 
pointing toward the right. These wedges, airanged 
singly or in groups, stand either for complete ideas 


(called " ideogmms," e. g. a single horizontal wedge 
represents the preposition in) or for syllables (e. g. a 
single horizontal crossed by a single vertical wedge 
-represents the syllable har). It would be natuml 
that, in course of time, the wedges used as signs for 
ideas would also be used as syllables, and the same 
syllable be represented by different wedges, thus pro- 
ducing confusion. This was remedied by placing 
another character before the sign for a particular idea 
to determine its use in that sense (hence, called a 
" determinative ; " e. g. before all names of gods a 
sign meaning " divine being ") or, after it, a syllabic 
character which added the proper ending of the word 
to be employed there (hence, called "phonetic com- 
plement"). In spite of these devices, many signs 
and collocations of signs have so many possible syl- 
labic values as to render exactness in the reading very 
difficult. There are about five hundred of these dif- 
ferent signs used to represent words or syllables. 
Their origin is still a subject of discussion among 
scholars. The prevailing theory is that they can be 
traced back to original pictures representing the ideas 
to be conveyed. But, at present, only about fifty out 
of the entire number of signs can be thus identified, 
and it may be necessary to accept other sources to 
account for the rest. 

24. The material on which this writing appears is 
of various sorts. The characters were incised upon 
stone and metal, on the marbles of palaces, on the 
fine hard surfaces of gems, on silver images and on 
plates of bronze. There are traces, also, of the use 
as writing material of skins, and of a substance re- 
sembling the papyrus of ancient Egypt. But that 

28 Introduction 

which surpassed all other materials for this purpose 
was clay, a fine quality of which was most abundant 
in Babylonia, whence the use spread all over the 
ancient oriental world. This clay was very carefully 
prepared, sometimes ground to an exceeding fineness, 
moistened, and moulded into various forms, ordinarily 
into a tablet whose average size is about six by two 
and one-half inches in superficial area by one inch in 
thickness, its sides curving slightly outwards. On 
the surface thus prepared the characters were im- 
pressed with a stylus, the writing often standing in 
columns, and carried over upon the back and sides of 
the tablet. The clay was frequently moulded into 
cones and barrel-shaped cylinders, having from six 
to ten sides on which writing could be inscribed. 
These tablets were then dried in the sun or baked in 
a furnace, a process which rendered the writing 
practically indestructible, unless the tablet itself was 

25. This prevailing use of clay was doubtless the 
cause of the disappearance of the picture-writing. 
The details of a picture could not easily be reproduced ; 
circles gave way to straight lines joined together ; 
these were gradually reduced in number ; the line 
was enlarged at the end into the wedge, for greater 
distinctness, until the conventional form of the signs 
became established. 

26. This method of writing by wedges was adopted 
from Babylonia by other peoples, such as those of 
ancient Armenia, for their own languages, just as 
German may be written in Latin letters. A problem 
of serious moment and great difficulty has arisen 
because of a similar use of the cuneiform in Babylonia 


itself. Side by side with cuneiform documents of 
the language represented in the bulk of the literature 
which has come down to us, and which may be called 
the Babylonio-Assyrian, there are some documents, 
also in cuneiform, in which the wedges do not have 
the meanings which are connected with them in the 
Babylonio-Assyrian. In some cases the same docu- 
ment is drawn up in two forms, written side by side, 
in which the way of reading the characters of one 
will not apply to those of the other, although the 
meaning of the document in both forms is the same. 
Evidently the cuneiform signs are here employed for 
two languages. What the philological relations of 
these languages may be, has given rise to a lively 
controversy. On the one hand, it is claimed that the 
two show marked philological similarities which carry 
them back to a common linguistic ground, and indi- 
cate that they are two modes of expressing one lan- 
guage, namely, the Semitic Babylonian. The one 
mode, the earlier, which stood in close relation to 
the primitive picture-writing, and may be called the 
*' hieratic," was superseded in course of time by the ' 
other mode, which became the " common " or " de-' 
motic," and is represented in the great mass of Baby- 
lonio-Assyrian literature. The former had its origin 
in the transition from the ideographic to the phonetic 
mode of writing, a transition which was accom- 
panied with " the invention of a set of explanatory 
terms, mainly drawn from rare and unfamiliar and 
obsolete words expressed by the ideograms." It was 
later developed into an " artificial language " by the 
industry of priestly grammarians (McCurdy, History 
Prophecy and the Monuments, I. sects. 82 f.). On the 


other hand, the majority of schokrs maintains that 
the earlier so-called " hieratic " is an independent and 
original language whose peculiar linguistic features 
point decidedly to a basis essentially different from 
that of the Semitic Babylonian. This language they 
regard as hailing from a pre-Semitic population of 
Babylonia, the "Sumerians," whose racial affinities 
are not yet satisfactorily determined. The Semitic 
Babylonians, coming in later, adopted from them the 
cuneiform writing for their own language, while per- 
mitting the older speech to continue its hfe for a 
season. Divergence of view so radical in regard to 
the same body of linguistic facts can have only one 
explanation, the facts are not decisive and the fun- 
damental questions must await final adjudication till 
a time when either new documents for philological 
investigation are discovered, or light is obtained from 
other than linguistic sources. 

27. As the valley of the Tigris and Euphrates 
formed the common home of Babylonians and Assyr- 
ians, so the two peoples possessed a common language, 
and their literatures may be regarded as parts of one 
continuous development. Centuries before the name 
of Assyria appeared in history, the Babylonians pos- 
sessed a written language and developed an ample 
literature. Both language and literature passed over 
to the later nation on the upper Tigris, and were 
cherished and continued there. Comparatively slight 
differences in the forms of the cuneiform signs, and 
a greater emphasis upon certain types of literature 
are all that distinguish the two peoples in these 
regards. Indeed, the kings of Nineveh filled their 
libraries in large part with copies of ancient Baby- 


Ionian books, a practice which has secured to us some 
of the choicest specimens of Babylonian literature. 
In sketching their literatures, therefore, the typical 
forms are the same and serve as a basis for a common 

28. Religion was the inspiration of the most 
important and the most ample division of the litera- 
ture of Babylonia. Scarcely any side of the religious 
life is unrepresented. Worship has its collections of 
ritual books, ranging from magical and conjuration 
formulae, the repetition of which by the proper priest 
exorcises the demons, delivers from sickness, and 
secures protection, to the prayers and hymns to the 
gods, often pathetic and beautiful in their expressions 
of penitence and praise. Mythology has been pre- 
served in cycles which have an epic character, the 
chief of which is the so-called Epic of Gilgamesh, a 
hero whose exploits are narrated in twelve books, 
each corresponding to the appropriate zodiacal sign. 
The famous story of the Deluge has been incorporated 
into the eleventh book. Less extensive, but of a like 
character, are the stories of the Descent of Ishtar into 
Arallu, or Hades, of the heroes Etana and Adapa, 
and the legends of the gods Dibbara (Girra) and Zu. 
The cosmogonic narratives are hardly to be separated 
from these, the best known of which is the so-called 
Creation Epic of which the fragments of six books 
have been recovered. The poetry of these epics is 
quite highly developed in respect to imagery and 
diction. Even metre has been shown to exist, at 
least in the poem of creation. Among the rest of the 
religious texts may be mentioned fragments of " wis- 
dom " and tables of omens for the guidance of rulers. 


29. If the Babylonians had a passion for religion, 
the Assyrians were devoted to history, and the bulk 
of their literature may be described as historical. 
The Babylonian priests, indeed, preserved lists of 
their kings; business documents Avere dated, and 
rulers left memorials of their doings. But the first 
two can hardly claim to be literature, and the royal 
texts, in fulness and exactness, are surpassed by those 
of the Assyrian kings. The series of Assyrian- his- 
torical texts on the grand scale begins with the 
inscription of Tiglathpileser I. (about 1100 B. c), 
written on an eight-sided clay cylinder, and contain- 
ing eight hundred and nine lines. The inscription 
covers the first five years of a reign of at least fifteen 
yeara. It begins with a solemn invocation to the gods 
who have given the king the sovereignty. His titles 
are then recited, and a summary statement of his 
achievements given. Then, beginning with his first 
year, the king narrates his campaigns in detail in 
nearly five hundred lines. The description of his 
hunting exploits and his building of temples occu- 
pies the next two hundred lines. The document 
closes with a blessing for the one who in the future 
honors the king's achievements, and a curse for him 
who seeks to bring them to naught. This, for its 
day, admirable historical narrative formed a kind of 
model i'or all later royal inscriptions, many of which 
copy its arrangement and almost slavishly imitate its 
style. Its combination of summary statement witli 
an attempt at chronological order, somewhat unskil- 
fully made, is dissolved in the later inscriptions. 
They are of two sorts, either strictly annalistic, 
arranged according to the years of a king's reign, or 


a splendid catalogue of the royal exploits organized 
for impressiveness of effect, and hence often called 
*' laudatory " texts. Examples of one or both forms 
have been left by all the great Assyrian kings. The 
most important among them are the inscriptions of 
Ashurnagirpal, Shalmaneser II., Sargon, Sennacherib, 
Esarhaddon, and Ashurbanipal. 

30. Closely connected with the historical docu- #. 
ments is the diplomatic literature. An example of 
this is the so-called " Synchronistic History of Assyria .. 
and Babylonia," a memorandum of the dealings, diplo- 
matic or otherwise, of the two nations with one 
another, from before 1450 B. c. down to 700 B. c, in 
regard to the disputed territory lying between them. 
To the same category belong royal proclamations, 
tribute lists, despatches, and an immense mass of 
letters from officials to the court, correspondence 
between royal personages or between minor officials. 
Such correspondence begins with the reign of Kham- 
murabi of Babylon (about 2275 B. c), and is espe- 
cially abundant under the great Assyrian kings from 
Sargon to Ashurbanipal. Not belonging to the epis- 
tolary literature of Assyria and Babylonia, but written 
in the cuneiform character, and containing letters from 
kings of Assyria and Babylonia as well as to them, is 
the famous Tel-el-Amarna correspondence, taken from 
the archives of Amenhotep IV. of Egypt, in all 
some three hundred letters, which throws a won- 
derful light upon the life of the world of Western 
Asia in the fifteenth century B. c. The numerous 
inscriptions describing the architectural activities of 
the kings belong here as well as to religious Utera- 
ture. Among the earliest inscriptions as well as the 



longest which have been discovered are the pious 
memorials of royal temple-builders. The inscriptions 
of Nebuchadrezzar II. the Great deal almost entirely 
with his buildings. 

.' 31. The literature of law is very extensive. While 
no complete legal code for either Babylonia or Assyria 
has been discovered, some fragments of a very ancient 
document, containing what seem to be legal enact- 
ments, indicate that such codes were not unknown. 
Recoixis of judicial decisions, of business contracts, 
and similar documents which are drawn up with 
lawyer-like precision, attested by witnesses and after- 
wards deposited in the state archives, come from 
almost all periods of the history of these peoples, 
and testify to their highly developed sense of justice 
and their love of exact legal formalities. 
' 32. Science and religion were most closely related 
in oriental antiquity, and it is difficult to draw the 
line between their literatures. Studies of the heavens 
and the earth were zealously made by Babylonian 
priests, in the practical search after the character and 
will of the gods, who were thought to have their 
seats in these regions. In their investigations, how- 
ever, the priests came upon many important facts 
of astronomy and physical science. These materials 
were collected into large works, of which some mod- 
ern scholars have believed an example to exist in the 
so-called " Illumination of Bel," which, in seven t^^-two 
books, may go back to an age before 2000 b. c. Other 
similar collections are geographical lists, rudimentary 
maps, catalogues of animals, plants, and minerals. 
The ritual calendars which were carefully compiled 
for the priests and temple worshippers illustrate the 


beginnings of a scientific division of time. Education 
is represented also in grammatical and lexicographical 
works, as well as in the school books and reading 
exercises prepared for the training-schools of the 

33. Of works in^ lighter vein but few examples 
have been found. The epics indeed may be classed 
as poetry, and served equally the purposes of religious 
edification and entertainment. Besides these, frag- 
ments of folk songs have been found. Folk tales are 
represented by some remains of fables. Popular 
legends gathered about the famous kings of the early 
age'; an example of which is the autobiographical 
fragment attributed to Sargon I. of Agade. In com- 
parison, however, with the tales which adorn the 
literature of ancient Egypt, Assyria and Babylonia 
were singularly barren in light literature. 

34. The word " literature " in the preceding para- 
graphs has been used with what may seem an unwar- 
ranted latitude of meaning. Neither in content, nor 
in form, nor in purpose could much of the writing 
described be strictly included in that term. But, in 
the study of the ancient world, every scrap of written 
evidence is precious to the historian, and these crude 
attempts are the beginnings, both in form and in 
thought, of true literary achievement. The form of 
literature was fundamentally limited by the material 
on which books were written. It demands simple 
sentences, brief and unadorned, what might be 
called the lapidary style. Imitation and repetition, 
are also characteristic. The royal inscriptions have a 
stereotyped order. In religious hymns and prayers, 
epithets of gods and forms of address tend constantly 


to reappear from age to age with wearisome monot- 
lonj. Lack of true imaginative power, and, at the 
fsame time, a realistic sense for facts show themselves ; 
the one in the grotesqueness of the poetical imagery, 
the other in the blunt straightforward statements of 
the historical inscriptions. Yet even in the earliest 
poetical composition, the principle of " parallelism," 
or the balancing of expressions in corresponding 
lines, w^as employed, a device which, supplying the 
place of rhyme, became so powerful a means of 
expression in the mouth of the Hebrew prophet. A 
progress in ease and force of utterance is traceable 
also in the royal inscriptions, if one compares that 
of Tiglathpileser I. with those of Esarhaddon or 
Ashurbanipal. Babylonia and Assyria, indeed, in 
this sphere as in so many others, were great not so 
mucli in what they actually wrought as in the ex- 
ample they gave and the influences they set in motion. 
They planted the seeds which matured after they 
themselves had passed away. 



35. An essential condition for adequate knowledge 
of an ancient people is the possession of a continuous 
historical tradition in the form of oral or written 
records. This, however, in spite of the mass of con- 
temporaneous documents of almost every sort, which 
the spade of the excavator has unearthed and the 
skill of the scholar deciphered, is not available for 
scientific study of Babylonian or Assyrian antiquity. 
From the far-off morning of the beginnings of the 
two peoples to their fall, no historians appeared to 
gather up the memorials of their past, to narrate and 
preserve the annals of these empires, to hand down 
their achievements to later days. Consequently, where 
contemporaneous records fail, huge gaps occur in the 
course of historical development, to be bridged over 
only partially by the combination of a few facts with 
more or less ingenious inferences or conjectures. 
Sometimes what has been preserved from a particular 
age reveals clearly enough the artistic or religious 
elements of its life, but offers only vague hints of its 
political activity and progress. The true perspective 
of the several periods is sometimes lost, as when 
really critical epochs in the history of these peoples are 
dwarfed and distorted by a lack of sources of know!- 


edge, while others, less significant, but plentifully 
stocked with a variety of available material, bulk large 
and assume an altogether unwarranted prominence. 

36. What the Babylonians and Assyrians failed to 
do in supplying a continuous historical record was 
not accomplished for them by the later historians of 
antiquity. Herodotus, in the first Book of his " His- 
tories," devotes twenty-three chapters to Babylonian 
affairs (Bk. I. 178-200), and refers to an Assyrian 
history in which he will write more at length of these 
events (I. 184). But the latter, if written, has been 
utterly lost, and the chapters just mentioned, while 
containing information of value, especially that 
which he himself collected on the ground, or drew 
from an earlier traveller, pr,esumably Hecatseus of 
Miletus, give distorted and fantastic legends where 
sober history might be expected. Ctesias of Cnidos, 
physician at the court of Artaxerxes Mnemon (415- 
398 B. c), who seems to have had access to some 
useful Assyrian material from Persian sources, intro- 
duced his Persian History with an account of Baby- 
lonio- Assyrian affairs, in which the same semi-mythical 
tales were interspersed with dry lists of kings in so 
hopeless a jumble of truth and falsehood as to recon- 
cile us to the disappointment of having only a few 
fragments of it. 

37. It is, however, a cause of keen regret that the 
three books of Babylonian or Clialdean History, by 
Berosus, have come down from the past only in scanty 
excerpts of later historians. Berosus was a Babylo- 
nian priest of the god Bel, and wrote his work for 
the Macedonian ruler of Babylonia, Antiochus Soter, 
about 280 b. c. As the cuneiform writing was still 


employed, he must have been able to use the original 
documents, and could have supplied just the needed 
data for our knowledge. Still, the passages preserved 
indicate that he had no proper conception of his task, 
since he filled a large part of his book with mythical 
stories of creation and incredible tales of primitive 
history, with its prediluvian dynasties of hundreds of 
thousands of years. A postdiluvian dynasty of thirty- 
four thousand ninety-one years prepares the way for 
five dynasties, reaching to Nabonassar, king of Baby- 
lon (747 B.C.), from whose time the course of events 
seems to have been told in greater detail down to the 
writer's own days. Imperfect and crude as this work 
must have been, it was by far the most trustworthy 
and important compendious account of Babylonio- 
Assyrian history furnished by any ancient author, and 
for that reason would, even to-day, be highly valued. 
A still more useful contribution to the chronological 
framework of history w^as made by Ptolemy, a geog- 
rapher and astronomer of the time of the Roman Em- 
peror, Antoninus Pius. Ptolemy's " Canon of Kings," 
compiled for astronomical purposes, starts with the 
same Nabonassar at whose time Berosus begins to 
expand his history, and continues with the names 
and regnal years of the Babylonian kings to the fall 
of Babylon. Since Ptolemy proceeds with the list 
through the Persian, Macedonian, and Roman regnal 
lines in continuous succession, and connects the era 
of Nabonassar with those of Philip Arridseus and 
Augustus, a synchronism with dates of the Christian 
era is established, by which the reign of Nabonassar 
can be fixed at 747-733 B.C. and the reigns of his 
successors similarly stated in terms of our chronology. 


By this means, not only is a chronological basis of 
special value laid for this later age of Babylonian 
history, but a starting-point is given for working 
backward into the earlier periods, provided that ade- 
quate data can be secured from other sources. 

38. Happily for historical science, the original 
documents of Babylonia and Assyria are unexpectedly 
rich in material available for this purpos'e. As already 
stated (sect. 29), the Assyrians were remarkably 
gifted with the historic sense, and not only do their 
royal annals and other similar documents contain many 
and exact chronological statements, but there was in 
vogue in the royal court a practical system which went 
far toward compensating for the lack of an era accord- 
ing to which the dates of events might be definitely 
fixed. From the royal officers one was appointed 
each year to give his name to the year. He or 
his official status during that period was called limu^ 
and events or documents were dated by his name. The 
king usually acte'd as limu for the first full year of his 
reign. He was followed in succession by the Tui;tan, 
or commander-in-chief, the Grand Vizier, the Chief 
Musician, the Chief Eunuch, and the goVernors of 
the several provinces or cities. Lists of these limi 
were preserved in the royal archives, forming a fixed 
standard of the greatest practical value, for the 
checking off of events or the dating of documents. 
While this system was in use in Assyria as early 
as the fourteenth century, the lists which have 
been discovered are of much later date and of vary- 
ing length, the longest extending from 893 B.C. to 
about 650 b. c. Sometimes to the mere name of the 
limu was added a brief remark as to some Qvent 


of his year. Such a reference to an eclipse of the 
sun occurring in the limu of Pur-Sagali in the 
reign of Ashurdan III., has been calculated to have 
taken place on the fifteenth of June, 763 b. c, a fact 
wliich at once fixes the dates for the whole list and 
enables its data to be. compared with those derived 
from tlTe synchronisms of the canon of Ptolemy and 
other sources. The result confirms the accuracy 
of the Assyrian document, and affords a trustworthy 
chronological basis for fully three- centuries of Assy- 
rian history. For the earlier period before 900 B. c. 
the ground is more uncertain, but the genealogical 
and chronological statements of the royal inscriptions, 
.coupled with references to contemporaneous Baby- 
lonian kings whose dates are calculable from native 
sources, supply a foundation which, if lacking in 
some p^rts, is yet capabl^f supporting the structure 
of .historical development. 

39. The Bab3^1onians, while they possessed nothing 
like the well wrought out limu system of Assyria, and 
dated events -by tlie regnal years of _ their kings, had 
in their kings' lists, compiled by the priests and 
preserved in the temples, documents of much value 
for historical purposes. The "Great List," which 
has been preserved, arranges the names in dynasties, 
and gives, the regnal years of each king. At the end 
of .each dynasty, the number of the kings and the sum 
of their regnal years are added. Though badly broken 
in parts, this list extends over a millennium, and con- 
tains legible names- of at least seventy kings arranged 
in about nine dynasties. As the last division con- 
tains names of rulers appearing in the Assyrian and 
Ptolemaic canon, the starting-point is given for a 


chronological organization of the Babylonian kings, 
which unfortunately can be only approximately 
achieved, owing to the gaps in the list. The two 
otlier lists now available cover the first two dynasties 
only of the great list. Not only do they differ in 
some respects from one another, but they do not help 
in furnishing the missing names in the great list. 
These can be tentatively supplied from inscriptions of 
kings not mentioned on the lists, and presumably be- 
longing to periods in which the gaps occur. Using 
all the means at their disposal, scholars have generally 
agreed in placing the beginning of the first dynasty of 
Babylon somewhat later than 2500 B. c. 

40. For the chronology of Babylonian history be- 
fore that time, the sources are exceedingly meagre, 
and all results, depending as they do upon calculation 
and inference from uncertain data, must be regarded 
as precarious. Numerous royal inscriptions exist, but 
connections between the kings mentioned are not 
easy to establish, and paleographic evidence, which 
must be invoked to determine the relative age of the 
documents, yields often ambiguous responses. A 
fixed point, indeed, in this chaos seems to be offered 
in a statement made by Nabuna'id, a king of the New 
Babylonian Empire. In searching for the foundations 
of the sun temple at Sippar, he came, to use his own 
words, upon " the foundation-stone of Naram Sin, 
which no king before me had found for 3200 years." 
As the date of the discovery is fixed at about 550 B. c, 
Naram Sin, king of Agade, whose name and inscrip- 
tions are known, may be placed at about 3750 b. c, 
and his father, Sargon, at about 3800 b. c. While 
much questioning has naturally been raised concern- 


ing the accuracy and trustworthiness of this date 
thus obtained, no valid reasons for discarding it have 
been presented. It affords a convenient and useful 
point from which to reckon backward and forward 
in the uncertain periods from the third to the fifth 
millennium b. c. By all these aids, to which are 
added some genealogical statements in the inscrip- 
tions, a series of dynasties has been worked out for 
this early age, and their chronological relations to one 
another tentatively determined. 

41. It is possible, therefore, with a reasonable de- 
gree of accuracy, to determine chronologically not 
only the great turning points in Babylonio-Assyrian 
history, but even the majority of the dynasties and 
the reigns of the several kings. Founded upon this, 
the historical structure may be reared, and its various 
stages and their relations determined. A bird's-eye 
view of these will facilitate further progress. First 
in order of time comes the Rise and Development of 
the City-States of Old Babylonia to their unification in 
the City -State of Babylon. In the dawn of history 
different primitive centres of population in the lower 
Tigro-Euphrates valley appeared, attained a vigorous 
and expanding life, came into contact one with an- 
other, and successively secured a limited supremacy, 
only to give place to others. The process was already 
in full course by 5000 B. c. By the middle of the 
third millennium, the city of Babylon pushed forward 
under a new dynasty ; one of its kings succeeded in 
driving out the Elamites, who had invaded and were 
occupying the southern and central districts ; the 
victory was followed by the city's supremacy, which 
was not only more widely extended, but, by the wis- 


dom of its kings, was more deeply rooted, and was 
thus made permanent. With Babylonia united under 
Babylon, the first epoch closed about 2000 B. c. 

42. The second period covers the Early Conflicts 
of Babylonia and Assyria. . The peaceful course of 
united Babylonia was interrupted by the entrance of 
the Kassites from the east, who succeeded in seating a 
dynasty of Kassite kings upon the throne of Babylonia, 
and maintaining them there for nearly six hundred 
years. But this foreign intrusion and dominance 
had roused into independent life a Semitic community 
which had its centre at Assur on the central Tigris, 
and in all probability was an offshoot from Baby- 
lonia. This centre of active political life developed 
steadily toward the north and west, but was domi- 
nated chiefly by its hostility toward Babylonia under 
Kassite rule. Having become the kingdom of Assyria, 
it warred with the southern kingdom, the advan- 
tage on the whole remaining with the Assyrian until, 
toward the close of the epoch, a great ruler appeared 
in the north, Tiglathpileser I., under whom Assyria 
advanced to the first place in the Tigro-Euphrates 
valley ; while Babylonia, its Kassite rulers yielding to 
a native dynasty, fell into political insignificance. 
The forces that controlled the age had run their 
course by 1000 b. c. 

43. The third period is characterized by the Ascen- 
dancy of Assyria. The promise of pre-eminence 
given in Tiglathpileser I. was not fulfilled for two 
centuries, owing to the flooding of the upper Meso- 
potamian plain with Aramean nomads from the Ara- 
bian steppes. At last, as the ninth century began, 
Ashurnagirpal led the way in an onward movement 


of Assyria which culminated in the extension of the 
kingdom over the entire region of western Asia. 
Shalmaneser II., Tiglathpileser III., and Sargon, 
great generals and administrators, turned a kingdom 
into an empire. The first wore out the resistance of 
the Syrian states, the second added Babylonia to the 
Assyrian Empire, and the third, as conqueror of the 
north, ruled from the Persian gulf to the border of 
Egypt and the upper sea of Ararat. The rulers that 
followed compelled Egypt to bow, and reduced Elam 
to subjection, but at the expense of the vital powers 
of the state. New peoples appeared upon the eastern 
border, revolt deprived the empire of its provinces, 
until, in less than two decades after the death of the 
brilliant monarch Ashurbanipal, Nineveh, Ass^gj^a's 
capital, was destroyed, and the empire disappeared 
suddenly and forever. Four centuries were occupied 
with this splendid history and its tragical catastrophe. 
The age closed with the passing of the seventh cen- 
tury (600 B. c). 

44. Of the partners in the overthrow of Assyria, 
the rebellious governor of the province of Babylonia 
received as his share of the spoil the Tigro-Euphrates 
valley and the Mediterranean provinces. He founded 
here the New Babylonian Empire. Its brief career 
of less than a century concluded the history of these 
peoples. Under his son, the famous Nebuchadrezzar 
II., the empire was consolidated, its resources enlarged, 
its power displayed. His feeble successors, however, 
were beset with manifold difficulties, chief of which 
was the rising energy of the Medes and Persians who 
had shared in the booty of Assyria. United under 
the genius of Cyrus, they pushed westward and north- 


ward, until the hour came for advancing on Babylon. 
The hollow shell of the empire was speedily crushed, 
and the Semitic peoples, whose rulers had dominated 
this world of western Asia for more than four millen- 
niums, yielded the sceptre in 538 b. c. to Cyrus the 




TO 2000 B.C. 


45. The earliest indications of human settlement 
in the Tigro-Euphrates valley come from the lower 
alluvial plain (sect. 3) known as Babylonia. It is not 
difficult to see how the physical features of this region 
were adapted to make it a primitive seat of civiliza- 
tion. A burning sun, falling upon fertile soil enriched 
and watered by mighty, inundating streams, - these 
are conditions in which man finds ready to his hand 
everything needed to sustain and stimulate his ele- 
mental wants. Superabounding fruitfulness of nature, 
plant, animal, and man, contributes to his comfort and 
progress. Coming with flocks and herds from the 
surrounding deserts, he finds ample pasturage and 
inexhaustible water everywhere, an oasis inviting him 
to a permanent abiding-place. He cannot but abandon 
his nomadic life for settlement. The land, however, 
does not encourage inglorious ease. Wild nature 
must be subdued and waste tracts occupied as popu- 
lations increase. The inundations are found to occur 
at regular intervals and to be of definite duration. 
They may be regulated and their fruitful waters 
directed upon barren soils, making them fertile. All 
suggests order and requires organization on the part 
of those settled along the river banks. From the 
same generous source are supplied mud and bitumen 


for the erection of permanent dwellings. The energies 
of the inhabitants of such a country would naturally 
be absorbed in developing its abundant resources. 
They would be a^ peacefuLiQlk^^given to agriculture. 
Trade, also, is facilitated by the rivers, natural 
highways through~the " land,"ahd" with trade comes 
industry, both stimulated by the generous gifts of 
nature, among which the palm-tree is easily supreme. 
Thus, at a time when regions less suggestive and 
responsive to human activity lay unoccupied and 
barren, this favored spot was inevitably the scene 
of organized progressive human activity already 
engaged upon the practical problems of social and 
political life. It furnishes for the history of man- 
kind the most ancient authentic records at present 

46. The position of the Babylonian plain is like- 
wise prophetic of its history. It is_ an B^cessible land 
(sect. 11). Races and civilizations were to meet and 
mingle there. It was to behold innumerable political 
changes due to invasion and conquest. In turn, the 
union of peoples was to produce a strong and abiding 
social amalgam, capable of absorbing aliens and pre- 
serving their best. This civilization, because it lay thus 
open to all, was to contribute widely to the world's 
progress. It made commercial highways out of its 
rivers. The passes of the eastern and northern 
mountains were doorways, not merely for invading 
tribes, but also for peaceful armies of merchants 
marching to and from the ends of the world, and 
finding their common centre in its cities. 
V 47. At the period when history begins, all these 
processes of development were already well advanced. 


Not only are the beginnings of civilization in Babylo- 
nia quite hidden from our eyes, but the various stages 
in the course of that first civilization, extending over 
thousands of years, are equally unknown, except as 
they may be precariously inferred from that which 
the beginnings of historical knowledge reveal. The 
earliest inscriptions which have been unearthed dis- 
close social and political life already in full operation. 
Not only has mankind passed beyond the period of 
savage and even pastoral existence, but agriculture is 
the chief occupation ; the irrigating canals have begun 
to distribute the river water to the interior of the 
land ; the population is gathered into settled com- 
munities ; cities are built ; states are established, ruled 
over by kings ; the arts of life are developed ; lan- 
guage has already been reduced to written form, and 
is employed for literary purposes ; religion is an 
essential element of life, and has its priests and 

48. The seat of the most advanced and presumably 
the most ancient ^jstqrical life appears to have 
beeiT^ie southernmost part oT^Tie^Euphrates valley. 
As~i^:ie-^^vef-^'eaehed-the''gutf,^^ridbr-then- stretched 
more than a hundred miles northwest of its present 
shore line, it spread out over the surrounding country 
in a shallow sea. Upon the higher ground to the east 
and west of the lowlands made marvellously fertile 
by this natural irrigation, the earliest cities were 
planted. Farthest to the south, presumably close to 
the gulf and west of the river mouth, was the ancient 
Eridu (now Abu Shahrein or Nowawis), the seat of a 
temple for the w^qrshipjof Ea, the god of the waters. 
Here, no doubt, was told the story of Cannes, the being 


that came up daily from the sea to converse with men, 
to teach them letters, arts, and sciences, everything 
which could tend to soften manners and humanize 
mankind, and at night returned to the deep, a myth 
of the sun, perhaps, associated with the recollection of 
the beginnings of culture in this coast city which, 
without tradition of political importance, was hal- 
lowed as a primitive centre of civilization and religion. 
Some ten miles to the west lay Ur, "the city" (at 
present called Mugheir), now a few miles west of 
the river in the desert, but once, hke Eridu, a com- 
mercial city on the gulf. Here was the temple of 
Sin, the moon god, the ruins of which rise seventy 
feet above the plain. Across the river, thirty miles 
to the northeast, stood Larsam (now Senkereh), the 
biblical Ellasar, where the sun god Shamash had his 
temple. Twelve miles away to the northwest was 
Uruk, the biblical Erech (now Warka), the seat 
of the worship of tlie goddess Ishtar. Mar (now 
perhaps Tel Ede), a little known site, lay about the 
same distance north. Thirty-five miles east of Mar, 
on the ancient canal now known as Shatt-el-Hai, con- 
necting the Tigris with the Euphrates, was Shirpurla, 
or Lagash (now Tello), looking out across the eastern 
plain, the frontier city of the early period, although 
fifty miles from the Tigris. These six cities, lying at 
the four corners of an irregular^~sqnaryj_ funn the 
seuthernm^stHbodj--of-4wimitive''XT(5mmuniti^ already 
_fl(mriehmg^-at4;he"T}awn of history. 

49. Situated almost exactly in the centre of the 
ancient plain between the rivers, about fifty miles 
north of Uruk, was the already famous city of Nip- 
pur (now Niffer). Here the patron deity was En-lil, 


" chief spirit," called also Bel, the " lord," god of the 
terrestrial world. A long period of prehistoric politi- 
cal prominence must be assumed to explain the reli- 
gious prestige of this city and of its god. Religion is 
its sole distinction at the time when records begin. 
But how great must have been that prominence to 
have secured for the city a claim to stand with Eridu 
as one of the two earliest centres of religion ! En-lil 
was a father of gods, and his fame made Nippur the 
shrine where many kings were proud to offer their gifts. 

50. North Babylonia had also its group of primitive 
cities, chief among which was Kutha (now Tel Ibra- 
him), the biblical Cuthah, more than fifty miles north- 
west of Nippur in the centre of the upper plain. Its 
god, Nergal, was lord of the world of the dead. Still 
further north, not far from the eastern bank of the 
Euphrates, was Sippar (now Abu Habba), where the 
sun god, Shamash, had his temple, and in its vicinity, 
probably, was Agade, once the famous capital of the 
land of Akkad. More uncertain are the sites of those 
northern cities which played an important part in the 
political activity of the earlier days, but soon disap- 
peared, Kulunu (the biblical Calneh), Gishban (?), 
and Kish. It is a question whether Babylon and its 
sister city Borsippa should be included in this enu- 
meration. If they were in existence, they were insig- 
nificant communities at this time, and their gods, 
Marduk and Nabu, do not stand high in the ranks of 
the earliest deities. The greatness of the two cities 
was to come, and to compensate by its splendor for 
the lateness of their beginnings. 

51. Who. were the people by whose energy this 
region was transformed into so fair and flourishing 


a land, at a time when elsewhere, with hardly an 
exception, the upward course of humanity did not 
yet reveal any trace of orderly and civilized condi- 
tions ? What are their antecedents, and whence did 
they come to occupy the alluvial plain ? These ques- 
tions cannot be satisfactorily answered, because our 
knowledge of the facts involved is insufficient and 
the conclusions drawn from them are contradictory. 
Reference has already been made (sect. 26) to the 
linguistic phenomena of the early Babylonian in- 
scriptions, and the opposite inferences drawn from 
them. The historical facts bearing on the question 
render a clearer answer, if also a more limited one. 
Whatever may be the conjectures based upon them as 
to prehistoric conditions and movements, these facts 
at the beginning of history testify-^at the civiliza- 

i^^tion was that of^a_Sesutic-4ieQple^'^Inscriptions of 
anundoubtedly^ Semitic character are there, and the 
social, political, and religious phenomena presented 
by them have nothing that clearly demonstrates a non- 
Semitic character. Nor do any inscriptions, myths, or 
traditions testify, indubitably, either to a pre-Semitic 
population, or to the superimposing upon it of the 
Semitic stock. To the historian, therefore, the prob- 
lem resolves itself into this : how and when did the 
Semitic people begin to occupy this Babylonian plain ? 
As the consensus of judgment to-day seems to favor 
Central Arabia as the primitive home of the Semites, 
OTeir advent into Babylonia must have been made from 

-tfae'West, ijy moying either upward, from the western 
si3e of the Persian gulf, or downward, along the 
Euphrates, a drift from the desert as steady and 
continuous as the sand that creeps over the Babylo- 


nian border from the same source. When this move- 
ment began can only be conjectured from the length of 
time presumably required to develop the civilization 
which existed as early as 5000 B. c, back to which date 
the earliest materials must certainly be carried. The 
processes already indicated as having preceded this 
time (sects. 45, 47), suggest to what distant ages the 
incoming of the first settlers must be assigned. 

52. The Babylonian primitive civilization did not 
stand alone or isolated in this dawn of history. It lay 
in the midst of a larger world, with some regions of 
which it had already entered into relations. To the 
northwest, along the Euphrates, nomadic tribes still 
wandered, although there are indications that, on the 
upper river, in the vicinity of the old city of Haran, 
a Semitic culture was already appearing. The Bed- 
ouin of the western desert hung on the frontier as a 
constant menace, or wandered into the cultivated 
land to swell the Semitic population. To the north, 
along the eastern banks of the upper Tigris, and on 
the flanks of the mountains were centres of primitive 
organization, as among the Guti and the Lulubi, whose 
kings, some centuries later, left Semitic inscriptions. 
But particularly active and aggressive were the peo- 
ple of the highlands east of Babylonia known by 
the collective name of Elam. The countiy sloped 
gently down to the Tigris, and was watered by 
streams descending from the hills. The people 
were hardy and warUke. They had already devel- 
oped or acquired from their neighbors across the 
river the elements of organization and civilization. 
Through their }3orders ran the trade-routes from the 
east. Among the earliest memorials of history are 


evidences of their active interference in Babylonian 
affairs, in which they were to play so important a 
part in the future. Commerce was to bring more dis- 
tant places ii^to the ^circle of Babylonian life. On 
the borders, to the south, were the ports of southern 
Arabia ; far to the west, the peoples of the Mediterra- 
nean coast-lands were preparing to receive the visits 
of traders from the Euphrates ; while at the end of 
the then known world was the rich and progressive 
nation in the valley of the Nile, already, perhaps, in- 
debted to the dwellers in Babylonia for impulses 
toward civilization, which they were themselves to 
carry to so high a point in the ages to come. 



53. The cities whose existence at the dawn of 
history has already been noted, were, from the first, 
full of vigorous activity. The impulses which led to 
the organization of social life sought further develop- 
ment. Cities enlarged, came into touch with their 
neighbors, and sought to dominate them. The vary- 
ing success of these movements, the rise, splendor, 
and decay of the several communities, their struggles 
with one another, and the ever-renewed activity 
which carried them beyond the confines of Babylonia 
itself, make up the first chapter in the story. It is 
impossible to give a connected and detailed account 
of the period, owing to the scantiness of the materials 
and the difficulty of arranging them chronologically. 
The excavations of the last quarter of a century have 
only begun to suggest the wealth of inscriptions and 
archaeological matter which will be at the disposal of 
the future student. Much new light has been gained 
which makes it possible to take general views, to 
trace tendencies, and to prepare tentative outlines 
which discoveries and investigations still to come 
will fill up and modify. 

54. Some general titles borne by rulers of the 
period afford a striking evidence of the character of 


this early development. Three of these are worthy 
of special mention, namely, "King of Shumer and 
Akkad," "King of the Totality (world)," "King 
of the Four (world-) Regions." It is evident that 
two of these titles, and possibly all, refer to districts 
and not to cities, although great uncertainty exists as 
to their exact geographical position. The second and 
third would suggest universal empire, though they 
might be localized upon particular regions. The 
" Kingdom of the Totality " is thought by Winckler 
and other scholars to have its centre in northern 
Mesopotamia about the city of Haran. " Shumer 
and Akkad" are regarded as including the north- 
ern and southern parts of Babylonia. The "Four 
Regions," synonymous with the four points of the 
compass, would include the known world from the 
eastern mountains and the Persian gulf to the 
Mediterranean. Whatever may be learned in the 
future respecting the exact content of these titles, 
they illustrate the impulses and tendencies which 
were already potent in these primitive communities. 
55. This period of expansion and unification occu- 
pies more than two millenniums (about 4500-2250 
B.C.). Three stages may be distinguished in what 
may truly be called this wilderness of years. (1) 
The first is marked by the s truggles o f cities within 
Babylonia^or locarsupremacy;__The chief rivalry lay 
between those~"ofthe north andtKose'TrMite south. 
(2) With the career of S ai; gon L_X^&Q0-jb^.), a new 
ftrfljTppTjefl , phar afiteri^d by_th e extension of author- 
"ity beyond the borders._of -I^abylonkt-^^- Jar -as the 
MeditennTiEan'and the northern mountains, while yet 
local supremacy shifted from city to city. (3) The 


third epoch, which is, at the same time, the termi- 
natioiioF~t!ie~^peTtod and the opening of a new age, 
sawjthefinal consolidation of Babylonian authority at 
home aLSnnSfoad in t he city-king of Babylon^ which 
henceforth g"ave~its^name to land and government and 
civilization. In each of these ages, some names of 
rulers stand out as fixed points in the vast void, 
gaps of unknown extent appear, and historic relations 
between individual actors upon the wide stage are pain- 
fully uncertain. Some account in the barest outline 
may be given of these kings, in some cases hardly 
more than shadows, whom the progress of investiga- 
tion will in time clothe with flesh and blood, and assign 
the place and significance due to their achievements. 

56. The struggle has already begun when the 
first known king, Enshagsagana (about 4500 B. c.) of 
Kengi, probably southwestern Babylonia, speaks of 
offering to the god of Nippur the spoil of Kish, 
" wicked of heart." Somewhat later the representa- 
tive of the south in the wars with the northern cities, 
Kish and Gishban, was Shirpurla (sect. 48). Mesilim 
of Kish (about 4400 b. c.) made Shirpurla a vassal 
kingdom. It recovered under the dynasty of Ur 
Nina (about 4200 B.C.), who called himself king, 
while his successors were satisfied with the title of 
patesi^ or viceroy. Two of these successors of Ur 
Nina, Eannatum (Edingiranagin) and Entemena, have 
left inscriptions of some length, describing their vic- 
tories over cities of the north and south. Gishban, 
rivalling Kish in its hostihty to the south, found 
a vigorous antagonist in Eannatum, whose famous 
" Vulture Stele " contains the terms imposed by him 
upon the patesi of that city. 


Not long after, a king of Gishban, Lugalzaggisi 
(about 4000 b. c), proclaimed himself " king of Uruk, 
king of the Totality," brought also Ur and Larsam 
under his sway, and offered his spoil at the sacred 
shrine of Nippur. He was practically lord of Baby- 
lonia. His inscription, moreover, goes on to declare 
that " from the lower sea of the Tigris and Euphrates 
to the upper sea (his god) made straight his path; 
from the rising of the sun to the setting of the same 
he gave him tribute." His authority extended from 
the Persian gulf to the Mediterranean. A later king 
of Kish, Alusharshid (about 3850 b. c), wrote upon 
marble vases which he offered at Nippur, his boast 
of having subjugated Elam and Bara'se, the elevated 
plains to the east and northeast of Babylonia. 

57. It is tempting to generalize upon these six 
centuries and more of history. The most obvious 
fact has already been mentioned, namely, that the 
movement toward expansion, incorporation, and uni- 
fication is in full course. But more definite con- 
clusions may be reached. There are those who see, 
in the arraying of north against south, the inevitable 
reaction of a ruder civilization against an older and 
higher one. The earlier culture of the south, and its 
more fully developed organization had pressed upon 
the northern communities and attempted to absorb 
them in the process of giving them civilization. But 
gradual decay sapped the strength of the southern 
states, and the hardier peoples of the north, having 
learned the arts of their conquerors, thirsted for 
their riches, and at last succeeded in overthrowing 
them. A more definite view is that which beholds in 
the aggressions of north upon south the steady ad- 


vance of the Semitic people upon the Sumerians 
(sect. 26), and the process of fastening the yoke of 
Semitic political supremacy upon Babylonia, with the 
accompanying absorption of Sumerian culture by the 
conquerors. Another conclusion (that of Radau, 
Early Babylonian History) finds the Semites com- 
ing in from the south at the very beginning of the 
period and pushing northward beyond the confines of 
Babylonia. Then the Semites of the south, having 
become corrupted b}^ the higher civilization of the 
Sumerians, were objects of attack on the part of the 
more virile Semites of the north who, turning back 
upon their former track, came down and occupied the 
seats of their brethren and renewed the purer Semitic 
element. There may be some truth in all these gen- 
eralizations, but the positions are so opposed, and their 
foundations are as yet so precarious, that assent to 
their definite details must, for the present, be withheld 
from all of them. 

58. Shargani-shar-ali, or, as he is more commonly 
called, Sargon L, king of the city of Agade (sect. 50), 
introduces the second stage in early Babylonian 
history. His son, Naram Sin, is said by Nabana'id, 
the last king of the New Babylonian Empire, to have 
reigned three thousand two hundred years before his 
own time, that is, about 3750 b. c. Sargon lived, 
therefore, about 3800 B. c, the first date fixed, with 
reasonable certainty, in Babylonian history, and a 
point of departure for earlier and later chronology 
(sect. 40). The inscriptions coming directly from 
Sargon himself and his son are few and historically 
unimportant. Some, found at Nippur, indicate that 
both were patrons of the temple and worshippers of 


its god. A tablet of omens, written many centuries 
after their time, ascribes to them a wide range of 
activity and splendid achievement. While such a 
document may contain a legendary element, the truth 
of its testimony in general is substantiated by similar 
statements recorded in contract tablets of the Sargonic 
age. The very existence of such legends testifies to 
the impression made by these kings on succeeding 
generations. An interesting example of this type of 
document is the autobiographical fragment which 
follows : 

Sargon, the powerful king, King of Agade, am I. 

My mother was of low degree, my father I did not know. 

The brother of my father dwelt in the mountain. 

My city was Azupirani, situate on the bank of the 

(My) humble mother conceived me ; in secret she 

brought me forth. 
She placed me in a basket-boat of rushes ; with pitch 

she closed ray door. 
She gave me over to the river, which did not (rise) over 

The river bore me along; to Akki, the irrigator, it 

carried me. 
Akki, the irrigator, in the . . . brought me to land. 
Akki, the irrigator, reared me as his own son. 
Akki, the irrigator, appointed me his gardener. 
While I was gardener, Ishtar looked on me with love 

. . . four years I ruled the kingdom. 

(Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, p. 1.) 

59. Sargon was a great conqueror. Within Baby- 
lonia, he was lord of Nippur, Shirpurla, Kish, Babylon, 


and Uruk. Beyond its borders, he and his son carried 
their arms westward to the Mediterranean, northward 
into Armenia, eastward into Elam and among the 
northeastern peoples, and southward into Arabia and 
the islands of the Persian gulf. To illustrate the 
character of these wars, reference may be made to the 
omen tablet, which, under the seventh omen, records 
a three years' campaign on the Mediterranean coast, 
during which Sargon organized his conquests, erected 
his images, and carried back the spoil to his own land. 
Possessed of so wide authority, Naram Sin assumed 
the proud title, for the first time employed by a Baby- 
lonian ruler, " King of the Four (world-) Regions.'* 

60. The achievements of these kings were both a 
culmination of the activities of the earlier city- kings, 
and a model for those who followed. The former had 
from time to time gathered parts of the larger world 
under their own sway, as Lugalzaggisi the west, and 
Alusharshid .the east. But the incorporation of 
the whole into a single empire was the work of the 
Sargonids, and no dynasty followed which did not 
strive after this ideal. The immediate descendants of 
Naram Sin, however, have left no monuments to indi- 
cate that they maintained their fathers' glory, and the 
dynasty of Agade disappeared in a darkness which 
stretches over nearly half a millennium. The scene 
shifts once more to Shirpurla . Here the patesi Vv Bau 
(about 3500 b. c.) ruled peacefully, and was followed 
by other princes, whose^j^hieL distinction in theic-own 
eyeT^as lHe~Su5di Bg-^^-temp les and the service of 
the gods. Foremost among these irr the nrtmbep-oL 
insciiptioBMiidrworks'or art which commemorate his 
career, was Gudea (about 3100 B. c). The only 


warlike deed recorded by him was his conquest of 
Anshan in Elam, but the wide range of countries 
laid under contribution for materials to build his 
temples and palaces has led to the conviction that he 
must have been an independent and vigorous ruler. 
The absence of any royal titles in his inscriptions, 
however, coupled with the slight reference to military 
expeditions, suggests, rather, that his building opera- 
tions were made possible because his state formed part 
of the domains of a broad empire, like that which 
Sargon founded and his successors ruled. 

61. Peace, however, in an oriental state is the sign 
of weakness, and the extensive works of Gudea may 
have exhausted the resources of Shirpurla so that, after 
a few generations, its patesis acknowledged the sway of 
the kings of Ur, who came forward to make a new con- 
tribution to the unification of Babylonia. Ur Gur of 
Ur and his son Dungi (about 3000 B. c.) were, like 
their predecessors of Shirpurla, chiefly proud of their 
temples, if the testimony of the great mass of the in- 
scriptions from them may be accepted. But they are 
distinguished from Gudea in that they built their 
temples in all parts of the land of Babylonia, from 
Kutha in the north to Shirpurla, Nippur, Uruk, and Ur 
in the south. The title which they assumed, that of 
" King of Shumer and Akkad," now first employed by 
Babylonian kings, indicates that the end which they 
had attained was the union of all Babylonia, north and 
south, under one sceptre. The building of the various 
temples in the cities was the evidence both of their 
interest in the welfare of the whole land and of their 
authority over it. They realized the ideal which ruled 
all succeeding dynasties, namely, a united Babylonia, 


although it is probable that their authority over the 
different districts was often very slight. Patesis still 
maintained themselves in Shirpurla and, doubtless, 
elsewhere, although they acknowledged the supremacy 
of the king of Ur. It is not without reason, therefore, 
that two dynasties ruling in other cities are assigned to 
the period immediately following that of the dynasty 
of Ur. These are a dynasty of Uruk, consisting of 
kings Singashid and Singamil the former of whom 
calls himself also king of Amnanu, and a dynasty of 
Isin, a city of southern Babylonia, whose site is as 
yet unknown. The latter group of kings claimed 
authority also over Nippur, Ur, Eridu, and Uruk, and 
called themselves " Kings of Shumer and Akkad." 
As such, they would be successors of the kings of Ur, 
in control of united Babylonia. 

62. Ur came forward again after some generations 
and dominated the land under a dynasty whose founder 
was Gungunu ; its members were Ine Sin, Bur Sin II., 
Gimil Sin, some others less known, and, probably, a 
second Dungi (about 2800-2500 b. c). The various 
forms of titles attached to some of the kings of Ur have 
led some scholars to group them in several dynasties, 
but the evidence is not at present sufficient. The 
kings above mentioned, considered together, are no 
longer called kings of Sliumer and Akkad, but bear 
the prouder title of "King of the Four Regions." 
Our knowledge of their activities fully justifies them 
in assuming it. Numerous contract tablets, dated 
from events in their reigns, testify to campaigns 
in Syria, Arabia, and Elam. The most vigorous 
of these rulers was Dungi II., who reigned more 
than fifty years. He built temples in various cities, 



made at least nine expedi lions into the west, and 
seems to have placed members of his own family as 
governors in the conquered cities, if one may trust the 
interpretation of inscriptions to the effect that his 
daughters were appointed rulers in Syria and Anshan. 
He was worshipped as a god after his death, and his 
successors named the eighth month of the year in his 
honor. This dynasty may, not unreasonably, be re- 
garded as one of the most notable thus far ruling in 
Babylonia, uniting, as it did, authority over the home- 
land with vigorous movement into the surrounding 
regions, and control over the east and the west. 
yf 63. A period of some confusion followed the passing 
of this sovereignty of Ur (about 2400-2200 B. c). A 
dynasty of the city of Babylon, the first recorded by 
the priests in the dynastic tablets, was founded by 
Sumu-abu (about 2400 B. c.) and contested the world- 
wide supremacy of Ur. Larsam was the seat of another 
kingdom, the first king of which was Nur Adad, who 
was succeeded by his son Siniddinam. The latter 
called himself " king of Shumer and Akkad," as though 
he would again bring about that unity which had 
disappeared with the downfall of Ur. But other 
movements were preparing which, apparently threat- 
ening the overthrow of Babylonian civilization and 
governments as a whole, were to bring about an 
ultimate and permanent establishment of Babylonian 
unity. Tlie_^l^jilites_jy3on^JlLfi__aat^^ highlands, 
between whom and the communities of eastern Baby- 
lofnawarliacl been Irg quent, -ftnd--udiQjiad been more 
than once partially conquered, reacted under the pres- 
siire~aM-eate re d the 1nnr1 ,. J ent-t ipon con quest. The 
southern cities suffered the most sevei:fihz; from this 


inroad, as they lay nearest the hne of advance of the 
invading peoples. At first the Elamites raided the 
cities and carried off their booty to their own land, 
but later were able to establish themselves in Babylo- 
nian territory. How early these incursions began is 
quite uncertain. In the fragments of Berosus, a 
" Median " dynasty of eight kings is mentioned the 
approximate date of which is from 2450 B. c. to 2250 
B. c. This statement may vaguely suggest the pres- 
ence of Elamites in Babylonia during two centuries, 
and the culmination of their inroads in the possession 
of supreme authority over at least part of the land. 
That new dynasties appeared in Babylon and Larsam, 
succeeding to that of Ur about 2400 B. c, may have 
some connection with these inroads, and inscriptional 
evidence makes it certain that Elamite supremacy 
was felt in Babylonia by 2300 B. c. Native djoias- 
ties disappeared before the onslaught. One of these 
invading bodies was led by King Kudurnankhundi, 
whose exploits are referred to by the Assyrian king 
of the seventh century, Ashurbanipal. The Elamite 
had carried away a statue of the goddess Nana from 
Uruk 1635 years before, that is, about 2290 B. c. 
Ashurbanipal restored it to its temple. The region 
in which Uruk and Larsam were situated seems to 
have borne the brunt of the assault. The former 
city was devastated and its temples sacked. The 
latter became a centre of Elamite power. A prince 
whose Semitic name is read Rim Sin, the son of a cer- 
tain Kudurmabuk, ruler of lamutbal, a district of 
west Elam, set up his kingdom at Larsam, apparently 
on the overthrow of Siniddinam, and for at least a 
quarter of a century (about 2275 b. c.) made himself 


a power in southern Babylonia. He claimed author- 
ity over Ur, Eridu, Nippur, Shirpurla, and Uruk, con- 
quered Isin, and called himself ' king of Shumer 
and Akkad." Evidently the Elamite element was 
well on the way toward absorption into Babylonian 

64. Wh^tt-the Elamites really brought to pass in 
Babylonia was a ^eneraT^e^e^Sg^^^SfTSe^Various 
soiitheTn city-states which had contested^the suprem- 
acy with one another. Their rulers overthrown, their 
^eopleen.daYed^heir possessiqns_canied-away, rude 
foreigners dominating them, they were no longer in 
a position to maintain the ancient rivalry with one 
another, -or to contestjthe supremacy with the cities 
of the north. When the foreigners had weakened 
themselves by amalgamation with the conquered and 
by accepting their religion and culture, the way was 
opened for a purely Babylonian power, hitherto but 
slightly affected by these invasions, to drive out the 
enemy, and bring the whole land under one authority 
which might hope for permanence. This power was 
the city-state of Babylon. 

65. It is tempting to seek further light on this 
Elamite period from two other sources. The first 
of these is the native religious literature. In the so- 
called omen tablets and the hymns, are not infrequent 
references to troubles from the Elamites. A hymn, 
associated with Uruk (RP, 2 ser. I. pp. 84 ff.), 
lamenting a misfortune which has fallen upon the 
city, is, by some scholars, connected with the expedi- 
tion of Kudurnankhundi (sect. 63). In one of the 
episodes of the Gilgamesh epic (sect. 28), the deliver- 
ance of Uruk from a foreign enemy, Khumbaba, forms 


the background of the scene. It may embody a tradi- 
tion of this period, and preserve the name of another 
Elamite invader. But the allusions are all too indefi- 
nite to serve any historical purpose other than as 
illustrations of the reality and severity of invasions 
from Elam. The Hebrew religious literature has also 
furnished material which is thought to bear on this 
epoch. In Genesis xiv. it is said, " It came to pass in 
the days of Amraphel king of Shinar, Arioch king of 
Ellasar, Chedorlaomer king of Elam, and Tidal king of 
Goiim ; that they made war with Bera king of Sodom, 
and with Birsha king of Gomorrah, Shinab king of 
Admah, and Shemeber king of Zeboiim, and the king 
of Bela. . . . Twelve years they served Chedorlaomer, 
and in the thirteenth year they rebelled. And in the 
fourteenth year came Chedorlaomer, and the kings that 
were with him." In the situation here depicted, and 
the names of the kings and localities mentioned, have 
been found grounds for assigning the episode to the 
Elamite period of Babylonian history. Arioch of 
Ellasar would be Rim Sin (in another reading of his 
name, Eri-Aku) of Larsam; Amraphel of Shinar is 
identified with Khammurabi of Babylon; Tidal of 
Goiim, with Thargal of Gutium ; while Chedorlaomer 
is a good Elamite name in the form Kudurlagamar. 
On this hypothesis, the latter would be the overloixi 
of the Babylonian kings and the heir to the Baby- 
lonian authority over Syria and Palestine which 
had been maintained by Sargon and others of the 
earlier time. All this is not improbable, and adds 
interest to our study of this dark period, but it is not 
sufficiently substantiated, either by the connection in 
which it stands, or by the evidence of contemporaneous 


Babylonian material, to warrant the acceptance of it as 
actual historical fact. It is true that names similar to 
these have also been found in Babylonian tablets of 
various periods, but the reading of the texts is not so 
certain, or their relation to this epoch so clear, as to 
offer any substantial support to the narrative. 




6Q, While the materials for sketching the historical 
development of the early Babylonian communities are 
often quite inadequate, fragmentary, and difficult to 
organize, those which illustrate the life of the people 
are not only more numerous, but they also afford a 
more complete picture. To present a history of the 
civilization in its progress is, indeed, equally impos- 
sible, but, as a compensation, it may be remembered 
that oriental life in antiquity passed through few 
changes. Kings and empires might flourish and 
disappear, but manners, customs, and occupations 
continued from century to century much as they had 
been in the beginning. Therefore it is possible to 
gather up in a single view the various aspects of the 
civilization of this people which, in its political 
career of more than two thousand years, was subject 
to the vicissitudes which the preceding chapters have 

67. The earliest occupations of the inhabitants 
were "^^liculturaL- Great flocks of sheep and herds 
of cattle and goats, enumerated, in the lists of temple 
property^indieate^ that pastoral activities were not 
neglected. Herdsmen and shepherds formed a nu- 
merous class, recruited from the Bedouin constantly 
floating in from the desert. The chief grazing- 


grounds were to the west of the Euphrates. Here 
were gathered together herds belonging to different 
owners under the care of independent herdsmen who 
were^paid to , wateh -and protect tHeir charges. But 
the raising of grain and fruits was by far more 
common, as might be expected from the nature of the 
country. The yield. from-the fertile soil was often 
two hundred-fold, sometimes more. All Babylonian 
life was affected by this predominating activity. 
Thj_j3e(i--o|-4^pigatr6n of the fields fostered an im- 
mense develoment of th_e_canal systein. At first, 
the lands nearest the rivers were watered by the 
primitive devices even now employed on their banks. 
It was a genial thought ofJKmg^Urakagina to con- 

.^truct ar ^arrai; and wisely did he name it after the 
goddess Nina (Records of the Past, 2 ser. I. p. 72), for 
the work was worthy of divine approval. Soon the 
canal became the characteristic feature of the Baby- 
lonian landscape and the chief condition of agricul- 
tural prosperity. Land was named according to that 
which it produced, and some scholars hold that it 
was measured according to the amount of seed which 
could be sown upon it. At least three of the months 
had names connected with agriculture. The fruits of 
the fields were the chief gifts to the temples, and the 
^king^exactedhis^ taxes- in grain which was stored in 

_j:oyal^^ranaries It seems that the agricultural year 

began in September (the month tashritu, " begin- 
ning "). Then the farmer, usually a tenant of a rich 
no ble, mad^e ^Ms-eentract. Th^^^ient- was. ordinarily 
one-third of the farm's production, although some- 
times tenant and landlord divided equally. Great 
care was taken that the tenant should keep everything 


in good order. Oxen were used for farm- work, and nu- 
merous agricultural implements were employed. Sow- 
ing and reaping, ploughing and threshing, irrigating 
and cultivating, these constituted the chief events 
in the lives of the great mass of the Babylonian 
people, and made their land one of the richest and 
most prosperous regions in all the world. 

68. The pursuits of industry appear from the be- 
ginning to have engaged the activities of the Baby- 
lonians. Differentiation of labor has already taken 
place, and the names of the workers illustrate the 
variety of the occupations. The inscriptions men- 
tion the carpenter, the smith, the metal-worker, 
the weaver, the leather-worker, the dyer, the potter, 
the brick-maker, the vintner, and the surveyor. The 
_abuiidanc e of av ooI led very early to the manufacture ' 
of woollen jcloths^ and rugs, in which the BabyloiiTans 
surpassed all others. The city of Mar (sect. 48) was 
famous for a^id^ of cloth, called after it Mairatu. 
Goldj_silver5_capper, and bronze were worked up into 
articles ^f Qrnament~an^ utility. The making of 
bricks was a most important industry in a country 
where^ stojie__ w^<S-..pra-ctically unobtainable. The 
month simanu (May-June)~wa8 thig" " month of 
bricks," during which the conditions for their manu- 
facture were most favorable ; inundations had 
brought down the sifted alluvium which lay con- 
veniently at hand ; the sun shone mildly enough to 
bake the clay slowly and evenly ; the reeds, used as a 
platform on which to lay the bricks for drying, or 
cht)pped finely and mixed with the clay, were fresh and 
abundant. Innumerable quantities were used yearly. 
Sun-dried bricks were poor building material, and 


houses needed constant repairing or rebuilding after 
the heavy rains of the winter. The bricks baked^ in 
the kiln, of much more durable character, were used 
for the outer lining of temples and palaces. 

69. T^P pnsit.inn pf B^byl'^T^iP g^ye ij:j;^nrmnp.rpia.1 

importance, the evidences of which go back to the 
earliest" times. Its centrat'ahdr^^cessible position, 
its wealth in natural products of an indispensable 
kind, its early industrial activity, all contributed to 
this end. Its lack of some materials of an equally 
indispensable character was an additional motive for 
exchange. Over the P ersian gulf teak-wood found 
at Eridu was brought from India. Cotton also 
made its.s^py fT-mn thft s^ing-gpT'T^^^p^'^ ^hp southern 
cities. Over Arabia, by way of Ur, which stood at 
the^foot of a natural opening from the desert, and 
owed its early fame and power, it may be, in no 
small degree, to its consequent commercial impor- 
tance, were led the caravans laden with stone, spices, 
copper, and gold from Sinai, Yemen, and Egypt. 
Door-sockets of Sinaitic stone found at Nippur attest 
this traffic. ToJihe-^TOrth-led-the natuml highways 
afforded by tlie rivers, and from thence, at the dawn 
of history, the city-kings brought cedar-wood from 
the Syrian mountains for the adornment of palaces 
and temples. From^-Jhfi-JEast, down the pass of 
Holwan, came the marble and precious metal of the 
mountains. Much of this raw material was worked 
over by Babylonian artisans, and shipped back to the 
less favored lands, along with the grain, dates, and 
fish, the rugs and cloths, of native production. All 
this traffic was in the hands of Babylonian traders 
who fearlessly ventured into the borders of distant 


countries, and must have carried with them thither 
the knowledge of the civilization and wealth of their 
own home, for only thus can the wide-spread in- 
fluence of Babylonian culture in the earliest periods 
be explained. 

70. Babylonian society was well differentiated. At 
the basis of it lay .the_slj>ygj)opulation, the necessary 
condition of all economic activity in antiquity. Slaves 
were employed upon the farms, by the manufacturers 
and in the temples. The sources of the supply were 
various. War furnished many; others had fallen 
from the position of free laborers ; still others were 
purchased from abroad, or were children of native 
bondsmen. Rich private owners or temple corpora- 
tions made a business of hiring them out as laborers. 
They were humanely treated ; the law protected them 
from injury; they could earn money, hold property, 
and thus purchase their freedom. Laws exist which 
suggest that young children could not be separated 
from their slave-parents in case of the sale of the 
latter. Next in tbesca le stood the f ree laborer who 
hired hiilrsetf'outlorwork like that of the~siave, and 
was his natural competitor. How he could continue 
to secure higher wages as seems to be the case 
is a problem which Peiser thinks explicable from the 
fact that his employer was not liable for damages in 
case of an injury, nor forced to care for him if he 
were sick. In both of these situations the law secured 
the reimbursement and protection of the slave (Mitt- 
eilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1896, 
3), who could therefore safely work for less money. 
There are some references to wages in the contracts of 
the time which indicate that the free laborer received 


from four to six shekels (13.00 to 14.50) a year, and 
food. He made a written conti-act with his employer, 
in which were specified the rate and the length of time 
of employment. It is evident, however, that such 
laborers must have been few in comparison with 
slaves, and have steadily declined toward the lower 
position. The_lenaat4af mer mu ^-- httre" been an 
important constituent of the social body, although 
he does not play a very prominent part. He rented 
the farm, hired the laborers, and superintended the 
agricultural operations. Great proprietors seem to 
have preferred the method of cultivating their estates 
by tenant-farmers, as many contracts of this kind 
attest. Of the rent paid in kind mention has been 
made. The free peasant proprietor had by this time 
well-nigh disappeared before the rich and aristocratic 
landowner, and the tenant-farmer had taken his 
place. In_the_xitie&-ixadesmen_ and artisans were 
found in greaL^numbers^^nd -held- in, high esteem. 
Whether at this time they had been formed into 
guilds according to their several trades, as was the 
case later, is uncertain. Merchants had their business 
organizedj firms carried on their mercantile operations 
from generation to generation, records of which have 
been preserved ; and this class of citizens must have 
been increasingly influential. At the summit of the 
social system wasjthe aristocracy, headed by the king. 
The nobles lived on~theii-^esta^s^and"ari;he court of 
the. king,-alteriiaMyv^-:Tire' scanty evidence suggests 
that they held their estates from the king by a kind ^ of 
feudal tenure. They owed military service and trib- 
ute. They had numerous dependants and slaves who 
labored for them and in turn enjoyed their protection. 


71. The right of holding private property in land 
was already in force in Babylonia. It may be that 
pasture-land was still held in common, and the cus- 
tom of deeding property to a son or adopted slave, on 
condition of the parent receiving his support during 
his lifetime from the property, is a relic of the transi- 
tion from family to individual ownership. The king, 
theoretic owner by divine right of all the land, had 
long ago distributed it among his vassals, either in 
fee or perpetual possession. Careful surveys were 
made, and inscribed stones, set up on the limits of a 
property, indicated the possessor and invoked the 
curse of the gods on any who should interfere with 
property rights. Ground could be leased or handed 
down by will. In a community where trade was so 
important, wealth other than in land was common. 
Grain and manufactured goods, stored in warehouses 
in the cities, and precious metals formed no small 
part of the resources of the citizens. There still 
survived, in some transactions, payment in kind, 
grain or cattle ; but in general the use of metals for 
exchange was in vogue. Naturally they became 
standards of value. They were weighed out and 
fashioned in bars. The shekel, weighing somewhat 
more than half an ounce avoirdupois, the mina of 
sixty shekels, and the talent of sixty minas were the 
standard weights, though there were other systems in 
use. Money was loaned, at first on condition of the 
borrower performing a certain amount of labor for it, 
later on an agreement to pay interest, usually at a 
very high rate. 

72. On the whole, Babylonian life from the mate- 
rial point of view must have been active and agreeable. 


Cities were protected by high and thick walls to 
guard against enemies. Some sort of-local organ- 
ization exisied for town government. Houses were 
siml^^iTdn^w7i[ratlt--:sKith^^ and flat 

roofs of reeds and mud. The streets were narrow and 
dirty^ -ttie^T^eptacIes of all the sweepings of the 
houses. When the stre et filled up to th e level of the 
house doors, tEese were closed, the house built up 
another st^ry^JheJoDJL-xai&e^^ and a 

new doorjroyided. Many houses were manufac- 
tories' and shops at the same time, the merchant 
having his slaves or laborers do their work on the 
premises. On higher points stood the palaces of 
nobles and king, or the stately temples of the patron 
gods. In the country, the houses of the proprietors 
were surrounded by palm-trees and gardens. The 
furniture was very simple, chair and stool to sit on 
by day, and a mat on which to sleep at night, flint 
and metal knives and a few terra-cotta bowls and jars 
for cooking and eating purposes, the oven for baking, 
and the fire-stick for kindling the fire. For food, the 
Babylonian had his inevitable grain and dried fish ; 
the grain he ground and ate in round cakes seasoned 
with dates or other fruit ; his drink was wine and beer. 
To wear much clothing in such a land was a super- 
fluity. Rulers are depicted with quilted skirts reach- 
ing to the ankles, with no upper garment or head- 
gear. Others wear thick flat quilted caps. Naram 
Sin of Agade appears in a pointed hat with tunic 
thrown over his left shoulder and breast. Less 
important personages have hardly more than the loin- 
cloth. As for hair and beard, men of the earliest 
period seem to have been smoothly shaven, unless one 

l^liE FAMILY 7d 

is to suppose that the artist felt himself unequal to 
representing hair. Later, by the time of Sargon, the 
heard and hair are worn long, and the custom 
continued to be followed. 

73. An important element of early Babylonian 
society was the family. It had its laws and its 
religion. While private property was recognized, yet 
often the consent of the family was required for the 
sale of land belonging to one of its circle. The father 
was already the recognized head. Some traces of a 
primitive right of the mother exist, but they are sur- 
vivals of what is quite antiquated. Ancient laws, 
preserved in late copies, illustrate family relations 
which long prevailed ; 

If a son say to his father, " Thou art not my father," 
he can cut off (his locks), make him a slave, and sell him 
for money. If a son say to his mother, " Thou art not 
my mother," she can cut ofP his locks, turn him out of 
town, or (at least) drive him away from home (i. e., she 
can have him deprived of citizenship and of inheritance, 
. but his liberty he loses not). If a father say to his son, 
** Thou art not my son," the latter has to leave house and 
field (i. e., he loses everything). If a mother say to 
her son, " Thou art not my son," he shall leave house 
and furniture (ABL, p. 445). 

Giving in marriage was an affair of the father, and 
was entirely on a mercantile basis. The prospective 
bridegroom paid a stipulated sum for his bride, vary- 
ing according to his wealth, sometimes a shekel, some- 
times a mina. Some religious ceremonies accompanied 
the marriage celebration. The wife usually brought 
a dowry to her husband. Polygamy and concubinage 
were not uncommon. The wife was completely under 


her husband's control. In certain circumstances she 
could be sold as a slave, or put to death. Divorce 
was very easy, since the husband had merely to bid 
the wife depart, giving her a writ of divorcement. 
The only restraint, and that probably a strong one, in 
the case of a Babylonian, was that he was generally 
required to restore to the wife the value of her dowry. 
Sometimes by contract the wife had the control of her 
property, and was thereby in a much better position. 
To have children was the supreme end of marriage, 
and sterility was a serious misfortune. In that case 
adoption was a not uncommon recourse, accomplished 
by carefully drawn up legal forms. Children thus 
adopted had full rights. Adoption also was evidently 
an easy way of obtaining additional hands for service 
at home and in the fields, being really another form 
of hiring servants; hence often an adult was thus 
taken into a family. 

74. The position occupied by the family in the 
social sphere was taken by the state in the domain of 
political life. It is held that the state was formed 
out of the union of families, indeed was a greater 
family with the king as father at its head (Peiser, 
MVAG, 1896, 3). In its first recognizable form, how- 
ever, the state was a city gathered about a temple, 
the centre of worship. As has already been noted 
(sect. 48), each of the city-states of Babylonia had its 
god with whom its interests were identified. Religion, 
therefore, was fundamental in Babylonian politics, the 
bond of civic unity, the ground of political rights, 
authority, and progress. With it, no doubt, was also 
closely associated the economic element. The depen- 
dence of prosperity, and even of life itself, upon the 


proper regulation of the water supply encouraged 
settlement in the most favorable localities, and required 
-organization of the activities centred there. Only by 
co-operation under a central authority could the canals 
be kept open, due regard be paid to the claims of all 
upon the common supply, and dangers from flood or 
famine be grappled with energetically and in time to 
safeguard the common interests. Self-protection from 
enemies contributed to the same end. The nomads 
from the desert and the mountain tribes of the east 
were equally eager to enjoy the fruits of the fertile 
Babylonian fields ; their inhabitants must needs com- 
bine to ward off inroads from all sides. All these 
elements entered into and modified the character and 
course of Babylonian politics, and they gave a particu- 
lar firmness and prominence to the idea of the state 
into which, from the earliest period, all family, clan, 
and tribal interests had been completely merged, ^r""": 
75. These_Ba bylonian_c ity-stR,tp.s have kings at their 
head^ The earliest name given to the ruler is patesi, 
a term which is most satisfactorily explained as having 
a religious significance, and as testifying to the funda- 
mental position and prerogative of the ruler as a 
priest of the city god. It suggests that, in the primi- 
tive Babylonian community, the place of supreme 
importance and influence was occupied by the priest 
as the representative of deity, as the mediator between 
the clans and the gods on whom they depended. The 
attitude and activity of the early kings confirm this 
suggestion. TKgy^-aje, first of all, pious worshippers 
of the gods. T-hey^buird~temp}e& and adorn them 
wiJJithe-^Keaith^of their~teigdonisr' They bestow 
upon the gods therichesTfiftSj- The favor of deity is 



their supremest desire. Piety is their highest virtue. 
The duties of religion are an indispensable and inter- 
minable element of their life. Before the gods they 
come, as dependants and slaves, to make their offer- 
ings. They are girded about with burdensome ritual 
restrictions, the violation of which would entail dis- 
aster upon themselves and their people, and to which, 
therefore, they conform with constant alacrity and 
even with zeal. On the other hand, they claim before 
their subjects regard and reverence due to these inti- 
mate divine relations. Their inscriptions declare that 
they are nourished on the milk of the gods, or are 
their offspring, sons begotten of them ; that power and 
sovereignty are by right of divine descent or appoint- 
ment. It is not wonderful that, while these rulers 
placed their statues in the temples to be constantly 
before the eye of deity, their subjects should offer 
them divine homage. Indeed, from the time of Sargon 
of Agade, kings claim to be gods and do not hesitate 
to prefix the sign of divinity to their names (Radau, 
Early Babylonian History, pp. 307 ff.). All these 
prerogatives, however, do not free them from respon- 
sibility to their subjects, but rather intensify the 
expectations centred in them. They must_obtain 
divine blessiag^for the state; they must themselves 
battle in defence ofth^ir-^Sapier^ Thus the Baby- 
lomaiT king ^ls^ wan^ior, going out to protect his 
dominions against wild beasts or hostile men. To 
kill the lion or the wild ox is an indispensable part 
of his duties, and he goes forth in the strength of 
the gods for these heroic struggles. He is as proud 
of the trophies of the chase as of those of the 
battlefield, and both alike he dedicates to the divine 


powers by whose aid he has conquered. He repre- 
sents, also, the more peaceful interests of the state 
jas^ the patron of industry ; he appears like king Ur 
Nina, with the basket of the mason on his head, or 
rehearses his services in opening new canals, building 
granaries, and importing foreign trees to beautify and 
enrich the land, thus establishing his claim to be the 
father and shepherd of his people. 

76. The constitution of a state ruled by a king with 
such prerogatives and position is naturally summed 
up in the ruler. The citizen, while he expects 
protection and justice, is a subject ; the officials are 
the king's dependants ; his will is law ; and the 
strength of the state depends upon the p^iionaitty 
oritsTieadr~"Tet it is also true that, where industry 
and commerce were so early and so highly developed 
as in Babylonia, the arbitrariness of the ruler was 
modified by the necessity of a well-ordered and strictly 
administered body of constitutional principles. Trade 
was dependent on the admission and protection 
of foreigners while in the country, and they seem 
to have had no difficulty in securing citizenship, and 
even in obtaining official positions. The revenues 
were secured by various systems of taxation. Surveys 
of state property were made, on the basis of which 
land taxes were levied. The temples took their 
tithe. Customs duties were paid at the city gate. 
In time of war, the king rode in his chariot at the 
head of liis troops, as illustrated in the stele of the 
Vultures, where Edingiranagin (sects. 56, 85) holds 
in his hand the curved weapon for throwing, and his 
warriors are armed with spears. At the close of the 
battle he beats out the brains of captives with his 


club in honor of the gods. The city of the same king 
seems to have possessed a coat of arms, " the lion- 
headed eagle with outspread wings," its claws in the 
backs of two lions, significant of the corporate con- 
sciousness of the state even at this early day. 

77. But what shows most clearly the idea of politi- 
cal organization as established in Babylonia is the 
legal system. Fragments of law codes are still in 
existence governing the relations of the family 
(sect. 73), and, from the abundance of legal docu- 
ments containing decisions, agreements, penalties, 
etc., might be drawn up a body of law which bore 
on such various topics as adoption, exchange, marriage, 
divorce, stealing, adultery, and other crimes, renting 
and sale of property, inheritance, loans, partnership, 
slavery, and interest. No business arrangement seems 
to have been complete without a written contract, 
signed by the parties concerned in the presence of 
witnesses, who also affixed their signatures to the 
document. Should a difficulty or question in dispute 
arise, the contestants had several methods of pro- 
cedure. They could choose an arbitrator by whose 
decision they agreed to abide ; or, sometimes, the 
complainant appealed to the king, who with his elders 
heard the complaint and rendered judgment. Some- 
times a court of judges was established, before which 
cases were brought Whatever was the process, the 
decision, when rendered, was written down in all 
the fulness and formality of legal phraseology, duly 
signed and sealed with the finger-nail or the private 
or official seal of all the parties. That tlie king him- 
self was not above the law, at least in the ideal 
conception of political philosophers of the time, 


may be concluded from an ancient bit of political 
wisdom preserved in a copy in the library of Ashur- 
banipal of Assyria which begins : " If the king gives 
not judgment according to the law, the people perish 
... if he gives not judgment according to the law of 
the land, (the god) Ea . . . gives his place to another, 
if he gives not judgment according to the statutes, 
his country suffers invasion." Very suggestive is 
another line of the same document. " If he gives not 
judgment according to (the desire of) his nobles, his 
days are long" (IV. Rawlinson, 55^, Thus gods and 
the king alike are regarded as pledged to the main- 
tenance of justice. The parties to a contract swear by 
the god, the king, and the city that they will keep their 
agreements. The abundance of this legal material has 
led some scholars to the conclusion voiced by Profes- 
sor Maspero, who declares that these records " reveal 
to Us a people greedy of gain, exacting, litigious, 
and almost exclusively absorbed by material concerns " 
(Dawn of Civilization, p. 760). While there may be 
truth in this verdict, no one can deny that the spec- 
tacle of a people, in these early times, carrying on 
their affairs through agreements sanctioned by the 
state, and settling their quarrels by process of legal 
procedure is one which arouses surprise, if not ad- 
miration, and indicates a conception of civic order 
full of the promise of progress. 



78. A PEOPLE as far advanced in social and politi- 
cal organization as were the ancient Babylonians 
could not have failed to make similar progress in the 
Higher elements of civilization. They were, indeed, 
pre-eminently a practical folk, and were guided in all 
their activities by the material ends to be gained. 
Their literary remains will serve as ah IHustratiolTiri 
point. Writing, in use among them from the earliest 
times, was primarily employed for business purposes, in 
contracts and other legal documents. Likewise the 
very practical conjuration formulae were the most 
numerous of the religious texts. The art of writing 
was confined in great measure to priestly circles, to 
scribes taught in the priestly schools and associated 
with the temples. Documents of all kinds were 
written to order by these scribes, and the signature 
affixed by pressing the thumb-nail or a seal into the 
clay. The difficulty of acquiring the complicated 
cuneiform script cut off the majority of the people 
from ever using it. For teaching it, a number of 
text-books were employed which were copied by the 
students. Some of the most valuable inscriptional 
material, like the kings' lists, have come down to us 
in these students' copies. In Sippar, an inscription 
on a small round tablet has been found, the con- 


tents of which suggest that it may have been an 
ancient diploma or medal of that famous priestly 
school. It reads, " Whosoever has distinguished him- 
self at the place of tablet-writing shall shine as the 
light " (Hilprecht, Recent Research, etc., p. 86). The 
scribes were, indeed, not only an honorable, but even 
an indispensable element of Babylonian society ; upon 
them depended social and political progress. The 
large number of letters now in our museums from 
officials and private persons, both men and women, 
shows that communication by means of writing was 
widespread, but all letters were probably put into 
writing by scribes, and it is to be presumed that 
scribes were employed to read them to their recipients. 
One cannot safely argue from these letters or from the 
business documents that ability to read and write be- 
longed to the people at large. 

79. Old Babylonia was, from the earliest historical 
period, not merely in possession of a highly conven- 
tionalized form of writing, but already had also 
begun to produce a literature which embraced no 
narrow range of subjects. The chief element in it 
was religious, consisting of hymns, psalms, myths, 
ritual prescripts, and votive inscriptions. Even 
where religion is not directly the subject, the docu- 
ments show its influence. Thus the astronomical 
and astrological texts are from priestly circles, and 
the epic and descriptive jjoetry deals with the gods 
and heroes of m3'thology. Reference has already 
been made to the legal codes and to fragments of 
political wisdom, while our knowledge of the history 
of the age comes from the various royal inscriptions 
written ou palace walls, cylinders^ steles, and statues. 


The origin of this literary activity lies back of the 
beginning of history. Before the age of Sargon, 
once thought primitive, extends a long period from 
which important royal texts have been preserved. 
Sargon, indeed, is thought to have focussed the 
literary activity of his time in a series of religious. 
works prepared for his royal library in Agade, and 
no doubt every ruler who obtained wider dominion 
than that over a single city-state took occasion to 
foster science and literature. Even Gudea of Shir- 
purla, whose political position is uncertain, had long 
narratives of his pious acts carved on his statues for 
the enlightenment and praise of posterity. Chief 
among these patrons of learning was the founder of 
Babylonian unity, Khammurabi, under whom the pre- 
vious achievements of scholars, theologians, and poets 
were gathered together and edited into literary works 
of prime importance. In his time or shortly after, 
the cosmogonic narratives, the rituals, the epics, the 
laws, and the astronomical works were put into the 
form in which thej are now preserved. 

80. The characteristics of all Babylonio- Assyrian 
literature, as already enumerated (sect. 34), were 
stamped upon it in this early period. The material 
in stone and clay, upon which alone' from the first 
men wrote, compelled simplicity of utterance. Re- 
ligion, the first subject for literary effort, determined 
the style and dominated the content of subsequent 
literature. Religion is responsible for the stereo- 
typed phraseology and the repetitiousness approaching 
monotony, the expressions having become fixed at 
an early period and employed in sacred ceremonials 
at a time when literature was looked upon as a 


gift of the gods and set apart for their service. 
Thus what at the beginning was a desirable repetition 
of holy words became at last the accepted form for 
all literary utterance. Poetryi^eyidently was the 
earliest and most favored medium of literature, for it 
reached a comparatively high stage of development. 
The lyric appears in hymns, prayers, and psalms for 
use in the liturgical worship. Narrative poetry is 
represented in a variety of fragments which describe 
the adventures of early heroes who have dealings 
with gods and monsters of the primeval world. Even 
the culminating achievement of an epic has been 
reached in the story of Gilgamesh, preserved in 
twelve books, a Babylonian Odyssey. This poetry 
is not naive in character; already epithets have 
become conventional; rhythm pervades it, rising 
into parallelism, the balancing of expressions in 
corresponding lines, phrases, or sentences, which ex- 
press now antithetic ideas, now the same idea in 
different forms. Even metre and strophical arrange- 
ment are regarded by some scholars as discoverable 
in the hymns and epic fragments. How far back in 
the unknown past must be placed the beginnings of 
this literary activity which has attained such develop- 
ment in this early age of Babylonia ! 

81. The authors of these writings are unknown. 
A few names have come down in connection with 
certain poems, but it is not unlikely that they are 
names of scribes who copied, or of priests who 
recited the epics or the hymns. The fact is signifi- 
cant, for it indicates that the literature is the work ^ 
of a class, not of individuals ; that it grew into form 
under the shaping of many hands ; that what has 


survived is, in its well-organized whole, the flower 
of uncounted generations of priestly activity. The 
books were made up of pages, numbered according 
to the number of tablets required ; each tablet was 
marked for identification with the opening words of 
the book ; the tablets were deposited in the temples 
in chambers prepared with shelves for the purpose. 
Editors and commentators were already busy, arrang- 
ing and revising the literature of the past. Scholars 
have concluded that the narrative of the deluge in 
the Gilgamesh epic is composed of two earUer ver- 
sions joined together by such a reviser. Whether 
these temple libraries were open to the public is 
questionable, and indeed one is not to conclude from 
this splendid outburst of early literature that the 
Babylonians were therefore a literary people, even as 
one cannot argue from the abundance of written 
business documents that there was a general ability 
to read and write.* That the production of litemry 
works and interest in them were confined primarily to 
the priests, and secondarily to the upper classes, is, 
in our present scarcity of information, the safest 

82. What has already been said will prepare the 
reader for a judgment upon the general character of 
this literature. The material on which it must needs 
be written, the early age in which it appears, and the 
priestly influence which dominates it are to be taken 
into account in such an estimate. It is not just to 
bring into comparison the literary work of later 
peoples, such as the Hebrews or the Greeks; the 
Egyptian literature of the same period may more 
properly be regarded as a competitor. Thus tested, 


the Babylonian undoubtedly comes off superior. Its 
imager}'-, while sometimes fantastic, is often bold and 
strong, sometimes weird, even fresh and delicate. Its 
form, particularly in the poetry, is highly developed, 
rhythmical, and flowing. Its thought is not seldom 
profound with the mysteries of life and death and 
vigorous in grappling with these problems. Es- 
pecially remarkable is the fine talent for narration, 
as Tiele has observed in his estimate of the litera- 
ture (BAG, pp. 572 f). Over against Maspero's 
strange dictum that " the bulk of Chaldean literature 
seems nothing more than a heap of pretentious 
trash" (Dawn of Civ., p. 771), may be placed 
Sayce's general remark that *' even if we judge it 
from a merely literary point of view, we shall find 
much to admire " (Babylonian Literature, p. 70), and 
the more detailed conclusion of Baumgartner, par- 
ticularly as to the Gilgamesh Epic, that, " regarded 
purely as poetry, it has a kind of primitive force, 
haunting voices that respond to the great problems of 
human life, suffering, death, and the future, dramatic 
vividness of representation and utterance, a painting 
of character and a depicting of nature which pro- 
duce strong effects with few strokes " (Geschichte 
der Weltlitteratur, I. p. 84). The influence which 
this literature exerted upon other peoples is a proof 
of its power. Its mythological conceptions reappear 
in Hebrew imagery ; its epic figures in Greek reli- 
gious lore. The dependence of the Hebrew narratives 
of the creation and deluge upon the similar Babylonian 
stories may be uncertain, but the form of the hymns, 
their lyrical and rhythmical structure, has, in all 
probability, formed the model for Hebrew psalmody, 


while many of the expressions of religious feeling 
and aspiration, first wrought out in the temples of 
Babylonia, have entered into the sacred language of 
universal religion. 

* 83. The ancient Babylonians had made some impor- 
tant advances in the direction of scientific knowledge 
and its application to life. Both the knowledge and 
its application^ llo.\vever, were inspired and dominated 
byreligioUj a fact which has its good and evil aspects. 
Ko doubt, religion acted as a powerful stimulus to 
the entering of the various fields of knowledge on 
the part of those best fitted to make discoveries, the 
priests ; to this fact is due the remarkably early acqui- 
sitions of the Babylonians in these spheres. On the 
other hand, knowledge sought not for its own sake, 
but in the interests of religion, was conceived of under 
religious forms, employed primarily for religious pur- 
poses, and subordinated to religious points of view. 
The notion of the universe, for example, was pri- 
marily that of a region where men and gods dwelt; 
its compartments were arranged to provide the proper 
accommodations for them. The earth was figured 
as an inverted basket, or bowl (the mountain of the 
world), its edges resting on the great watery deep. 
On its outer surface dwelt mankind. Within its crust 
was the dark abode of the dead. Above, and encom- 
passing it, resting on the waters, was another hemi- 
sphere, the heaven, on the under side of which moved 
the sun, moon, and stars ; on the outer side was sup- 
ported another vast deep, behind which in eternal 
light dwelt the gods. On the east and west of 
heaven were gates through which the sun passed 
at morning and night in his movement under the 


heavenly dome. In a chamber just outside the east- 
ern gate, the gods met to determine the destinies of 
the universe. The movements of the world, the rela- 
tions of nature to man, were likewise regarded as the 
activities of the divine powers in making revelations 
to humanity or in bringing their wills to bear on man- 
kind. Since to know their will and way was indis- 
pensable for happiness, the priest studied the stars 
and the plants, the winds and the rocks, and inter- 
preted what he learned in terms of practical religion. 
Medicine consiMied largely in the repetition of formulae 
to drive out the demons of disease, a ritual of exor- 
cism where the manipulations and the doses had little 
if any hygienic basis. Yet an ancient book of medi- 
cal praxis and a list of medicinal herbs show that 
some real progress was made in the knowledge of the 
body and of actual curative agencies. 

84. The high development of mathematical science 
began in the same sacred source. The forms and rela- 
tions of geometry were employed for purposes of au- 
gury. The heavens were mapped out, and the courses 
of the heavenly bodies traced to determine the bearing 
of their movements upon human destinies. Astrology 
was born in Babylonia and became the mother of As- 
tronomy. The world of nature in its various physical 
manifestations was studied for revelations of the di- 
vine will, and the resulting skill of the priests in the 
science of omens was unsurpassed in the ancient 
world. Yet, withal, they had worked out a numeri- 
cal system, compounded of the decimal and the sexa- 
gesimal series. The basis was the " soss," 60 ; the 
"ner" was 600; the " sar," 3600. The metrology 
was accurate and elaborate, and formed the starting- 


point of all other systems of antiquity. All measures 
of length, area, capacity, and weight were derived 
from a single standard, the hand-breadth. The divi- 
sion of the circle into degrees, minutes, and seconds 
on the sexagesimal basis (360, 60", 60") hails from 
this period and people. The ecliptic was marked off 
into the twelve regions, and the signs of the zodiac, 
as we know them, already designated. The year of three 
hundred sixty-five and one-fourth days was known, 
though the common year was reckoned according to 
twelve months of thirty days each, and equated with 
the solar year by intercalating a month at the proper 
times. Tables of stars and their movements, of eclipses 
of moon and sun, were carefully prepared. The year 
began with the month Nisan (March-April) ; the 
day with the rising of the sun ; the month was di- 
vided into weeks of seven days ; the day from sunrise 
to sunrise into twelve double hours of sixty minutes. 
The clepsydra and the sun-dial were Babylonian in- 
ventions for measuring time. 

85. The materials from which are obtained a knowl- 
edge of the history of early Babylonia offer, at the same 
time, testimony as to the artistic development, which 
may be traced, therefore, through the three historic 
epochs. In the pre-Sargonic period almost all the 
available material is thatTn^tone and metal found 
at Shirpurla. On a bas-relief of King Ur Nina he 
stands with a basket upon his head, his shouldei"s and 
bust bare, a skirt about his waist descending to his 
feet. Before him his children, represented as of 
much smaller stature, express their obeisance by the 
hands clasped across the breast. The heads and feet 
are in profile, while the bodies are presented full to 

ART 9o 

the spectator, thus producing a contorted effect. The 
whole, while full of simplicity and vigor, is crude and 
rough. The long sharp noses, retreating foreheads, 
and large deep-set eyes give a strange bird-like ap- 
pearance to the faces. The so called "vulture stele " 
of Edingiranagin (sect. 76) is much more complex in 
its design. It is a large piece of white stone carved 
on both faces. On the one side four scenes in 
the war are represented the battle, the victory, the 
funeral rites and thank-offering, the execution of the 
captives. On the other side, the booty is heaped up 
before the gods, and the coat of arms of Shirpurla is 
held aloft in the king's hand. The scenes are spirit- 
edly sketched, and artistic unity is sought in the com- 
plicated representation. The silver vase of Entemena 
(sect. 56) is the finest piece of metal work of the 
time. It rises gracefully from a bronze pedestal, 
rounds out to one-half its height, and ends in a wide 
vertical collar. Its sides are adorned with eagles, goats, 
lions, and other animals. The age of Sargon is intro- -* 
duced by the splendid bas-relief of Naram Sin, found 
on the upper Tigris. What remains of it is a frag- 
ment only, but it represents a royal figure, bearded, 
with conical cap, a tunic thrown over the breast and 
left shoulder, leaving bare the right arm, which grasps 
a weapon. The work is singularly fine and strong 
(Hilprecht, OBT, I. ii, pi. xxii). The height of v 
the plastic art of the time is reached in the statues 
of Gudea of Shirpurla (sect. 60). They are of very 
hard stone, but the artist has neglected no detail. 
The king is represented in the attitude of submission 
before the gods, his hands clasped upon his breast. 
The head is gone from every statue, but heads of 


other statues have been found which illustrate the 
method of treatment. A thick cap or turban is worn 
on the head, and the tunic, as in the Naram Sin bas- 
relief, leaves the right arm bare and descends to the 
feet. Special study is given to this drapery ; the 
very folds are somewhat timidly reproduced. In 
mastery of his material the artist has made much 
progress since the early days. The impression given 
is one of severe simplicity, directness, attention to 
detail, and concentrated power (Maspero, DC, pp. 
611 fe.). 

86. The works just mentioned are the highest 
achievements of the sculptor's and goldsmith's art. 
But, in a variety of smaller objects, similar artistic 
skill appears. The alabaster vases, dedicated by the 
earliest kings at Nippur, the teriu-cotta vases, orna- 
mented with rope patterns, found in the same place, 
the copper and bronze statuettes and vessels of various 
kinds, (the pottery is, in general, strange to say, rude 
and inartistic,) and numerous other implements and 
objects are testimonies to the same artistic ability. 
Particularly are the seal cylinders worthy of mention. 
Reference has already been made to the use of the 
seal by the Babylonians. Hard pebbles of carnelian, 
jasper, chalcedony, and porphyry were rounded into 
cylinders from two to three fifths of an inch in 
diameter and from three-quarters of an inch to an 
inch and a half in length ; then upon the surface were 
incised scenes from mythology or figures of holy 
beings, such as Gilgamesh in his contest with the 
lion, or the sun or moon god receiving homage from 
his servant. Stamped upon the soft clay of a docu- 
ment, the seal imparted, as it were, the sanction of 


the gods to the agreement as well as certified to the 
good faith of the signer. The work of the engraver 
of these seals is remarkable. The best of them, such 
as that of the scribe of Sargon of Agade (Maspero, 
DC, p. 601 ; compare B. M. Guide, pi. xxiii) show 
extraordinary fineness of workmanship, breadth of 
treatment, and realistic fidelity to fact. Indeed, of all 
the art of early Babylonia it may be said that it is emi-^ 
nently realistic ; the artist has little sense of the ideal 
or the general. To present the fact as it is, with sim- 
plicity verging on bareness, and with a directness that 
is almost too abrupt, this was at the same time the 
weakness and the strength of the Babylonian sculptor 
or engraver. This trait is specially evident in his con- 
ception of the gods. He was the first to present them 
as human beings. But his anthropomorphism is rude 
and crude. The divine beings are not greater or 
grander than the men who worship them. The con- 
ception, indeed, was original and epoch-making. But 
it was reserved for the Greeks to improve upon it by 
glorifying and idealizing the human forms under 
which they represented their Apollo and their Zeus. 
Another peculiarity which worked to the disadvantage 
of Babylonian art was the convention which demanded 
drapery in the representation of the human form. 
Here too is realism, for the changeable climate doubt- 
less required men to wear thicker clothing, and that 
more constantly, than, for example, in Egypt. Hence 
the study of the nude body and the sense of beauty 
and grace which it develops were absent. The long 
robes give a stiffness and sameness to the figures for 
which the greater skill attained in the representation 
of drapery hardly compensated. 

7 . 


_87j_Although the early Biil)ylonians had little stone 
or wood with which to build, they used clay bricks 
with architectural originality and effectiveness. The 
palace or temple was not built upon the level of 
the ground, but upon a rectangular brick platform. 
At Shirpurla this was forty feet high ; at Nippur 
forty-five feet above the plain. Upon it stood the 
palace structure of brick, one story high, with its cor- 
ners usually facing the cardinal points. The walls 
were very tliick, the chambers small and dark, tlie pas- 
sages narrow and often vaulted. Vertical walls and 
fiat roofs were the rule. The rooms, courts, galleries, 
and passages stretched away interminably, yet with a 
definite plan, within the rectangle. Huge buttresses 
of brick sustained the platform, and pilasters supported 
the walls of the structure built upon it. Access to 
the building was obtained by a staircase rising from 
the plain. To protect all from the tremendous rains 
whicli would tend to undermine the walls, tlie solid 
mass of the platform was threaded by terra-cotta drains 
whicli carried the water down to the plain. Ventilating 
shafts, likewise, were used to let in tlie air and drain 
off the moisture. The temple was sometimes, like 
the palace, a series of one-story buildings, but usually 
culminated in what was a type of temple construction 
peculiar to Babylonia, the ziggurat^ a series of solid 
masses of brick, placed one above the other, each suc- 
cessive story smaller than the one beneath it. A 
staircase or an inclined plane led from the shelf of one 
story to the next ; shrines were placed on the shelves 
or liollowed out of the brick ; the shrine of the chief 
deity was at the top. At Nippur the earliest ziggurat 
upon the massive temple platform, built by Ur-Gur 


was a rectangular oblong, about one hundred and 
seventy-five feet by one hundred, and composed of 
three stages resting one upon the other (Peters, Nip- 
pur, II. p. 124). The massiveness and monotony of 
these structures were relieved by the use of stucco to j 
cover and protect the bricks both without and within:/ 
Conical nails of colored terra-cotta were embedded in 
this stucco, or decorative designs were painted upon 
it. Enamelled bricks likewise were employed for ex- 
terior coatings of walls. For supports of the roofs 
tree trunks were used, which were covered with metal 
sheathing. Thus Babylonia became the birthplace of X^ 
the decorated wall and the slender column (Sayce, 
Babylonia and Assyria, p. 9). The earliest known x^ 
keyed arch has been unearthed at Nippur. The doors 
of the palaces were hung in huge blocks of stone 
hollowed out in the centre to receive the door-posts, 
almost the only use of stone found in these buildings. 
Remembering the material at the disposal of these 
architects, one cannot but admire the originality and 
utility of the designs wrought out by them. They 
made up for lack of stone by the heaping together of 
great masses of brick. The elevation of the build- 
ings and the thickness of the walls served, at the 
same time, to make the effect more imposing, to 
supply a surer defence against enemies, and to afford 
protection from heat and storms. 
^ 88. It has frequently been noted hitherto how the 
life of the ancient Babylonian was deeply interfused 
with his religion. The priests are judges, scribes, and 
authors. Writing is first employed in the service of 
the gods. Both the themes and the forms of litera- 
ture are inspired by religion. Art receives its stimu- 


lus from the same source, the royal statues standing 
as votive offerings in the temples and the seal cylin- 
ders being engraved with figures of divine beings. 
Science, whether it be medicine or mathematics, has, 
as its ground, the activity of the heavenly powers, or, 
as its end, the enlarging of religious knowledge. 
Therefore it is fitting to close this review of early 
Babylonian civilization with a sketch of the religion. 
Already the fact has been observed that, from the 
beginning, the city-states possessed temples, each the 
centre of the worship of a particular god (sect. 48). 
Thus at Ericlu wsls Ea ; at Ur, Sin, the moon god ; 
at_J^arsap^ Shamash, the sun god ; at U?uk, the god- 
dess Ishtar ; at Shirpurla, Ningirsu ; at Nippur, Enlil 
or Bel; at Kutha, Nergal; at Sippar, Shamash; at 
Agade, the goddess An unit ; at Babylon, Marduk ; 
and at Borsippa, Nabu. From this list of gods it is 
evident at first glance that religion was local and that 
the gods were in some cases powers of nature. Clearly 
a more than primitive stage of development had been 
reached, since the same god was worshipped in two 
different cities. Investigation has made these facts 
more certain by showing that Ningirsu, Nergal, and 
Marduk are, probably, forms of the sun god ; that 
Anunit is but another name for Ishtar ; that Enlil 
was a storm god ; that at each of these cities a mul- 
titude of minor deities was worshipped ; and that 
similar local worship was carried on at less known 
centres of population. The religious inscriptions of 
Gudea of Shirpurla (sect. 60) show a well-organize(l 
pantheon consisting of a variety of male and female 
deities with Ningirsu in the lead. Here appears the 
god Anu, " the heaven," who, though not prominent 


in local worship, stands theoretica]:!}^^ Jit .t-ie head cx -ail 
the gods. The religion of early Babylonian history, 
then, was a local nature worship. w^hich? jwas, pa s:^ing- 
into a more or less formal organization and unifica- 
tion of deities as a result of political development or 
theological formulation. L' 

89. Behind this advanced stage was another and 
very different phase of Babylonian religion testified 
to by a body of conjuration formulae and hymns of 
similar tenor. In the great mass of this literature 
the names of the gods just enumerated are hardly 
mentioned. The world is peopled with spirits, Zi^ 
good and evil beings, whose relations to man deter- 
mine his condition and destiny. If he suffers from 
sickness, it is an attack of a demon who must be 
driven out by a formula, or by an appeal to a stronger 
spirit of good. These powers are summed up under 
various names indicative of the beginnings of organi- 
zation, as, for example, " spirit of heaven " (zi ana)^ 
" spirit of earth " (zi kia) ; " lord of demons " (en lil) ; 
" lord of earth " (en Jcl), As the sense of good, 
of beneficent, powers got the better of the fear of 
harm and ruin in the minds of men, the spirit-powers 
passed into gods. Thus the " spirit of heaven " 
became Ami ; the " lord of earth " or the " spirit of 
earth " was identified with Ea of Eridu ; the " lord 
of demons " was found again in Bel of Nippur. A 
first triad of Babylonian gods was thus consti- 
tuted in Anu, Bel, and Ea. As religion grew in 
firmness of outline and organization, the hosts of 
spirits retreated before the great gods, and, while not 
disappearing, took a subordinate place, in private or 
individual worship, and continued to exercise ^n 


important influeiiCQ upon the faith and practice of 
the people. The diyine beings, whether rising out 
of local, s^pirits r.spirits of nature or the combination 
of both, took the field and marked the transition to the 
new phase of religion in which the beneficent powers 
were recognized as the superior beings, and received 
the worship and gifts of the community. 

90. The general notion of divine beings entertained 
by the old Babylonian is illustrated by the term for 
god, ilu^ which conveys the root idea of power, 
might. It was as " strong " ones that the spirits 
came into contact with man from the beginning. It 
was the heavenly powers of sun and moon and stars 
and storm that of all nature-forces had most im- 
pressed him. He indicated his attitude toward them 
also by the favorite descriptive term " lord " (gn, hel'). 
They were above him, supreme powers whom he 
served and obeyed in humility and dependence. Yet 
mighty as were the gods, and exalted as they were 
above humanity, the Babylonian was profoundly 
conscious of the influences brought to bear by the 
divine world upon mankind. From the period when 
he felt himseK surrounded by manifold spirits of the 
natural world, to the time when he sought to do the 
will of the great heavenly powers, he was ever 
the centre of the play of the forces of the other world. 
They were never far from him in purpose and action. 
The stars moving over the sky spoke to him of their 
will and emitted divine influences ; the wind, the 
storm, the earthquake, the eclipse, the actions of 
animals, the flight of birds, all conveyed the divine 
messages to him who could interpret them. Hence 
eiyose the irarnense mass of magical texts, the 


pseudo-science of astrology, and the doctrine of 
omens. The religious temper produced by such an 
idea of god was twofold. On the one hand the divine 
influence was felt as pure power, arbitrary, undefined, 
and not to be counted on ; hence to be averted at all 
hazards, restrained by magical means, or rendered 
favorable by an elaborate ritual. Or, the worshipper 
felt in the divine presence a sense of ill-desert, and, 
in his desire for harmony with the divine ruler, flung 
himself in confession and appeal upon the mercy 
of his god in those remarkable Penitential Psalms in 
which fear, suffering, and a sense of guilt are so 
joined together as almost to defy analysis and to for- 
bid a final judgment as to the essence of the ethical 
quality. Those who first felt the emotions which 
these psalms reveal were certainly on the road leading 
to the heights of moral aspiration and renewal. The 
difficulty was that the element of physical power in 
the gods was ineradicable and, corresponding to it, 
the use of magic to constrain the divine beings crept 
into all religious activity and endeavor, thus thwart- 
ing all moral progress. Though men recognized 
that their world had been won from chaos to cosmos 
by the gods under whose authority they lived, for 
this was the meaning of the victory of Marduk over 
Tiamat, they conceived of the victory in terms of 
the natural physical universe, not as a conquest of 
sin by the power of holiness and truth. 

91. The conduct of worship was no doubt originally 
the task of the priest. He afterward became king, 
and carried with him into his royal position many 
of the prerogatives and the restrictions attending the 
priestly office. He was the representative of the 


community before the gods, and therefore girt about 
with sanctity which often involved strict tahu. But 
he soon divided his powers with others, priests 
strictly so called, who performed the various duties 
connected with the priestly service and whose names 
and offices have in part come down to us. Rituals 
have been preserved for various parts of the service ; 
many hymns have survived which were sung or recited. 
Sacrifices of animals were made, libations poured out, 
and incense burned. Priests wore special dresses, 
ablutions were strongly insisted upon, clean and un- 
clean animals were carefully distinguished, special 
festivals were kept in harmony with the changes of 
the seasons and the movements of the heavenly 
bodies. Religious processions, in which the gods 
were carried about in arks, ships, or chests, were 
common. A calendar of lucky and unlucky days 
was made. A Sabbath was observed for the purpose of 
assuaging the wrath of the gods, that their hearts might 
rest (Jastrow, in Am. Jour, of Theol., II. p. 315 f.). 
Every indication points to the existence of a powerful 
priesthood whose influence was felt in all spheres of 
social and national life. ^ 

92. The outlook of the Babylonians upi^n the life 
beyond was sombre. Burial customs indicate that 
they believed in future existence, since drink and 
food were placed with the dead in their graves. But, 
in harmony with the severer conception of God, the 
Babylonian thought of the future had an uncertain 
and forbidding aspect. The poem which describes 
the descent of the goddess Ishtar to the abode of the 
dead, called Arallu, conceives of this region as dark 
and dusty, where the shades flit about like bivds in 


spaces shut in by bars, whence there is no egress. 
There is the realm of Nergal, and of queen Allat who 
regents the presence of Ishtar, goddess of life and 
love, and inflicts dire punishments upon her. Yet in 
this prison-house there is a fountain of life, though 
sealed with seven seals ; and in the Epic of Gil- 
gamesh are heroes who have reached the home 
of the blessed, indications that the higher religious 
aspiration was seeking after a conception of the future 
more in harmony with the belief in great and benefi- 
cent deities dwelling in the light and peace of the 
upper heaven. It was the darker view, however, that 
passed from Babylonia to the west and reappeared in 
the dusky Sheol of the Hebrews, into which all, 
whether good or bad, descended, there to prolong a 
sad and shadowy existence. 

93. In concluding this presentation of early Baby- 
lonian life it is possible to suhl up the dominant 
forces of history and progress under three heads: 
(1) Religion is the inspiring and regulative element) 
of the community. In its representatives govern- 
ment finds its first officials. In the centre of each I 
city is the temple with its ruling and protecting deity. \ 
Pohtical growth is indicated by the wider worship of ( 
the local god. The citizens and their lords are j 
servants of the god. He is the fount of justice, and I 
his priests are guardians of culture. Industry and 
commerce have their sanctions in the oaths of the] 
gods, and the temples themselves are centres of mer- 
cantile activity ; they are the banks, the granaries, and 
the seats of exchange. All life is founded on religion 
and permeated by its influence. (2) The energizing/ 
element of these communities is the ruler. Already 


the power of personality has made itself felt. Politi- 
cal organization has crystallized about the individual. 
He exercises supreme and unlimited power, as 
servant of the deity and representative of divine 
authority. He is the builder, the general, the judge, 
the high priest. All the affairs of his people are an 
object of solicitude to him. His name is perpetuated 
upon the building-stones of the temple and the palace. 
His figure is preserved in the image which stands 
before the god in his temple. He is sometimes, in 
literal truth, the life of his people. (3) From these 
two forces united, religion and the ruler, springs the 
third element, the impulse to expansion. Neither god 
nor king is satisfied with local sovereignty. The 
ambition of the one is sanctified and stimulated by the 
divine commendation, encouragement, and effectual 
aid of the other. The god claims universal sway. 
The king, his representative, goes forth to conquer 
under his command. The people follow their human 
and their divine lords whithersoever they lead. In that 
period circumstances were also particularly favorable 
to such forward movements. Communication between 
the different cities was made easy by the innumerable 
watercourses threading the plain. The mighty rivers 
offered themselves as avenues for wider expansion. 
Such was Old Babylonia in its essential characteristics. 
Such was the philosophy of its early history, illus- 
trated by the details of the struggles which have al- 
ready been described (Part I. chap. II.). The end 
was a united Babylonia, achieved by the great khig 
Khammurabi, in whom all these forces culminated. 

2300-2100 B:C. 

94. It is clear that the cit}^ of Babylon did not play 
a prominent part in early Babylonian history (sect. 
50). It was not, like Agade, Shirpurla, Uruk, or Ur, 
the centre of a flourishing and aggressive state, nor 
had it any religious pre-eminence such as was en- 
joyed by Nippur or Eridu. S uch an as s ertion Js no t 
based mere ly on a lack of inscriptional informa tion 
which future excavation may be t rusted to supp lv. 
Existing inscriptions of the early time take no ac- 
count of the city. This would not be the case if its 
importance had been recognized. The religious hymns 
do not mention it. Its god Marduk takes a secondary 
place in the later pantheon, below Bel of Nippur, Ea 
of Eridu, Sin of Ur, and Shamash of Sippar. In the 
time of the kings of Agade, Babylon is said to be a 
part of their dominions and Sargon built a temple 
there. The fact is significant, and suggests that the 
city was overshadowed by the greater power and fame 
of ' Sargon's capital. Only when the political and 
commercial pre-eminence of the more northern state 
passed away, was an opportunity given to Babylon. 
By that time, however, the southern cities had seized 
the leadership and had held it for a thousand years. 
Accordingly, not till the middle of the third millen- 
nium B. c. (sect. 63), did the first historical Baby- 


Ionian king appear and the city push forward into 
political importance. Its progress, thereafter, was 
rapid and brilliant. 

95. The first five kings of the first dynasty were as 

Sumu-abu about 2399-2384. 

Sumula-ilu .... " 2384-2349. 

Zabuin " 2349-2335. 

AbilSin " 2335-2317. 

Sin-muballit .... " 2317-2297." 

Immerum (usurper ?). 

From none of these kings have inscriptions been 
recovered, but what has been called a '' Chronicle " of 
their doings year by year, and business documents 
dated in their reigns, together with references to 
some of them by later kings, give an insight into 
their affairs. The Babylonian kings' list indicates 
that, beginning with Zabum, son succeeded father. 
Immerum appears in the business documents, but 
without indication of his place in the dynasty. The 
kings' list does not name him, and he is therefore 
regarded as a usurper. No light has been shed on 
the events connected with the accession of the first 
king to the Babylonian throne. From the names of 
the kings it has been inferred that the dynasty was of 
Arabian origin, and that the new outburst of Babylo- 
nian might which now ensues is due to the infusion 
of new blood in consequence of an Arabian invasion 
which placed its leaders on the throne. The hypothe- 
sis is certainly plausible. The events of Sumuabu's 
reign are largely peaceful, temple building and the 
offering of crowns to the deities being the chief matters 


of moment. Toward the close, however, the city of 
Kagallu, presumably in the vicinity of Babylon, was 
laid waste, a suggestion that Babylon was already 
beginning to let its power be felt in the north. A 
later king of this dynasty, Samsu-iluna, states that 
he rebuilt six great walls or castles which had been 
built in the reign of Sumulailu, the second king, who 
also fortified Babylon and oippar, overthrew Kagallu 
again, and destroyed the city of Kish. He, too, was 
a devout worshipper of the gods. A king of New 
Babylonia (Nabuna'id) refers to a sun-temple in Sippar 
which dated back to Zabum, and the " Chronicle " 
speaks of other temples and shrines. The inference 
from these relations with cities outside Babylon sug- 
gests that by Zabum' s time Babylon had extended 
its sway in north Babylonia and was ready to enter 
the south. It was, accordingly, with Sinmuballit 
that complications arose with southern Babylonia, 
then under the hegemony of Rim Sin of Larsam, an 
Elamite conqueror. The chronicle states that Isin 
was taken in the seventeenth year of the Babylonian 
king. If business documents which are dated by the 
capture of this city are properly interpreted, it appears 
to have been the centre of a conflict between the two 
powers, since it was apparently captured alternately 
by both. The issue of the war is unknown. 

96. While so scanty an array of facts avails for the 
history of these early kings, with the sixth king, 
Khammurabi (about 2297-2254 B. c.) a much clearer 
and wider prospect is opened. The fact that an 
unusually large amount of inscriptional material 
comes from his reign is an indication that a change 
has taken place in the position and fortunes of his 


city. The first and most striking confirmation of tlie 
change, furnished by this material, is its testimony 
to the overthrow of tlie Elamite power (sect. 64). 
Knowledge of the causes which brought Khammurabi 
into collision with Rim Sin of Larsam, as well as of 
the events of the struggle, is not, indeed, furnished 
in the inscriptions. Sinmuballit and Rim Sin had 
already met before Isin, and the new conflict may 
have been merely a renewal of the war. From the 
narrative contained in Genesis xiv. 1, 2, it has been 
inferred that Khammurabi (Amraphel) had been a 
vassal of the Elamite king and rebelled against him 
(sect. 6o). However that may be, the Babylonian 
represented the native element in a reaction against 
invaders and foreign overlords which resulted in 
their expulsion. There is probably a reference to 
the decisive moment of this struggle in the dating 
of a business document of the time " in the year in 
which king Khammurabi by the might of Anu and 
Bel established his possessions [or "good fortune"] 
and his hand overthrew the lord [or "land," ma-da']^ 
of lamutbal and king Rim Sin." The Elamites seem 
to have retired to the east, whither the king's lieuten- 
ants, Siniddinam and Inuhsamar, pursued them, cross- 
ing the river Tigris and annexing a portion of the 
Elamite lowland (King, Letters and Inscriptions of 
Hammurabi, I. xxxvi. ff.) which was thereafter 
made more secure by fortifications. In the south of 
Babylonia the king reduced to subjection cities which 
opposed his progress, and destroyed their walls. His 
dominion extended over the whole of Babylonia and 
eastward across the Tigris to the mountains of Elam. 
He could prochiim himself in his inscriptions "the 


mighty king, king of Babylon, king of the Four 
(world-) Regions, king of Shumer and Akkad, into 
whose power the god Bel has given over land and 
people, in whose hand he has placed the reins of gov- 
ernment (to direct them)," thus uniting in his own 
person the various titles of earlier kings. 

97. Though Khammurabi ''was pre-eminently a 
conquering king" (Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia 
and Assyria, p. 119), he was not behind in h is a,r rang e- 
ments fpX-the-econ om i o w e lf a re of h ia.kingdom. One 
of his favorite titles is hani matim, "builder of the 
land," descriptive of his measures for the recovery of 
the country from the devastations of the years of war 
and confusion. Of his canals, at least two are de- 
scribed in his inscriptions. One he dug at Sippar, 
apparently connecting the Tigris and Euphrates. In 
connection with it he fortified the city and surrounded 
it with a moat. Another and more important canal 
was commemorated in the following inscription which 
illustrates his interest in the agricultural prosperity of 
Babylonia : 

^'When Anu and Bel gave (me) the land of Shumer 
and Akkad to rule and entrusted their sceptre to my 
han'ds, I dug out the Khammurabi-canal (named) Nukh- 
ush-nishi, which bringeth abundance of water unto the 
land of Shumer and Akkad. Both the banks thereof I 
changed to fields for cultivation, and I garnered piles of 
grain, and I procured unfailing water for the land of 
Shumer and Akkad." 

This canal was probably a great channel, passing 
from Babylon in a southeasterly direction parallfel 
with the Euphrates, whose waters it received and 


distributed by smaller canals over the neighboring dis- 
tricts, while also draining the adjoining marshes. The 
waste lands were replanted by distribution of seed- 
corn to the husbandmen ; depopulated districts were 
refilled by the return of their inhabitants or the set- 
tlement of new communities ; the prosperity and per- 
manence of the irrigating works were secured by the 
building of a castle, which was doubtless at the same 
time a regulating station for the supply of water, at 
the mouth of the canal. Among other building 
operations we hear of a palace in the vicinity of 
Bagdad, a great wall or fortification along the Ti- 
gris, serving as well for protection from the floods 
as from the Elamite invaders. Other fortifications in 
various parts of the land are mentioned. Yet more is 
known about the temple building. As the Babylonian 
temples were as useful to business as to religion, their 
restoration was a contribution to material as well as 
religious well-being. The king built at Larsam a tem- 
ple for Shamash ; at Kish one for Zamama (Ninib) and 
Ishtar, others at Zarilab and at Khallabi, at Borsippa 
and Babylon. It is not improbable that in the two 
latter cities he was the founder of the famous and 
enduring structures in honor of the gods, called 
respectively through all periods of Babylonian history 
Ezida and Esagila. 

98. Five kings succeeded Khammurabi before this 
dynasty gave way to another. Each king seems to 
have been the son of his predecessor, and the long 
reigns which all enjoyed illustrate the condition of 
the times. Of inscriptions directly from them only a 
few are known. One from Samsuiluna (about 2254 
2216), Khammurabi's son, mentions his rebuilding the 


walls or fortresses of his ancestor (sect. 95) and 
enlarging his capital city. In its proud and swelling 
words it reflects the consciousness of greatness and 
power which Khammurabi's achievements had be- 
gotten in his successor. " Fear of my dreaded lord- 
ship covered the face of heaven and earth. Wherefore 
the gods inclined their beaming countenances unto me, 
... to rule in peace forever over the four quarters 
of the world, to attain the desire of my heart like a 
god, daily to walk with uplifted head in exultation 
and joy of heart, have they granted unto me as 
their gift " (Keilinschrifthche BibUothek, III. i. 130- 
132). The "Chronicle" tells of conflicts with the 
Kassites, and of rebellions in the cities of I sin and 
Kish which were put down by him, but by far the 
more numerous events there referred to relate to 
the digging of canals and the service of religion. 
From Abeshu, his successor, a few letters, and 
inscriptional fragments only remain. A late copy of 
an inscription from Ammiditana (about 2188-2151), 
besides stating that he was the eldest son of Abeshu, 
the son of Samsuiluna, proclaims him " King ... of 
Martu," that is, presumably, " the westland," Syria. 
The last two kings were Ammizaduga, who reigned 
ten years according to the " Chronicle," but twenty- 
two years according to the kings' list, and Samsudi- 
tana who reigned thirty-two years. During the one 
hundred and fifty years and more of the rule of 
these kings, everything speaks in testimony of the 
permanence and development of the strong political 
structure whose foundations had been laid by Kham- 
murabi, and of the peace and prosperity of the several 
communities united into the empire. 



99. Of the significance of this imperial organiza- 
tion and development for the social and industrial 
life of the land there are many illustrations. A 
centralized administration bound all the districts 
hitherto separated and antagonistic into a solid unity. 
Khammurabi " was not content merely to capture a 
city and exact tribute from its inhabitants, but he 
straightway organized its government, and appointed 
his own officers for its control " (King, Let. and Ins. 
of Ham., III. XX.). Communication was regularly 
kept up between the court and the provincial cities, 
which were thus brought administratively into close 
touch vi^ith the capital^ An immensely increased 
commercial activity followed this new centralization, 
as is shown by the enormous mass of business 
documents from this age. Increased prosperity was 
followed by rising values. The price of land under 
Khammurabi w^as higher than ever before. The ad- 
ministration of justice was advanced through the 
careful oversight of the courts by the king himself, 
and by the creation of a royal court of appeal at Baby- 
lon, access to which was open to the humblest citizen. 
A calendar was established for the state and regulated 
by the royal officials, whose arrangements for it were 
approved by the king, and published throughout the 
country. A royal post-system, the device of an 
earlier age, was elaborated to make easy all this 
intercommunication of the various districts. Con- 
sequent upon it came greater security of life and 
property as well as regular and better means of 
transit, blessings which were shared by all the in- 
habitants. It is also true, on the other hand, that 
this centralization involved the economic and political 


depression of the other cities before the capital. 
They gradually lost their independent significance, 
as the currents of trade set steadily toward Babylon, 
and became provincial towns, contributory to the 
wealth and power of the royal city. It was the 
statesmanship of Khammurabi that, for good or ill, 
laid the foundations of this mercantile and monetary 
supremacy of Babylon, before which the other com- 
munities passed quite out of sight. Ur, Larsam, 
Uruk, and Sippar are heard of no more, except as 
seats of local worship or of provincial administration. 
100. The sphere of religion, likewise, was signifi- 
cantly influenced by the new imperial organization. 
As might be expected, Marduk, the city-god of 
Babylon, now became the head of the Babylonian 
pantheon. The change is thought to have been some- 
thing more than the natural result of the new situa- 
tion ; it seems to have been deliberately and officially 
undertaken as the potent means of unifying the state. 
That this god's supremacy was not left to chance 
or to time is seen by the systematic abasement of 
that other god who might reasonably contest the head- 
ship with the new claimant, namely, Bel of Nippur 
(sect. 88). The religious pre-eminence of his temple, 
E-kur, in that ancient city, passed away, and it is 
even claimed that the shrine was sacked, the images 
and votive offerings destroyed, and the cult inter- 
mitted by the authority of the kings of Babylon 
(Peters, Nippur, 11. pp. 257 f.). The proud title of 
Bel ("lord") passed to Marduk, and with it the 
power and prerogative of the older deity. It may 
not, however, be necessary to assume so violent an as- 
sumption of power by Marduk. The political suprem- 


acy of Babylon, the larger power and greater wealth 
of the priesthood of its god, the more splendid cult, 
and the influence of the superior literary activity of 
the priestly scholars of the capital may be sufficient 
to account for the change. However, the unifying 
might of a common religious centre, symbolized in 
the worship of the one great god of the court, was 
not to be despised, and Khammurabi was not the man 
to overlook its importance. As the provinces looked 
to Babylon for law and government, so they found in 
Marduk the supreme embodiment of the empire. 

101. A striking corollary of this change in the 
divine world is found in the transformation of the 
literature. Reference has already been made to 
the revival of literary activity coincident with the 
age of Khammurabi (sect. 79). Under the foster- 
ing care of the priesthood of Babylon, the older 
writings were collected, edited, and arranged in the 
temple libraries of the capital city. A common 
literary culture was spread abroad, corresponding to 
the unity in other spheres of life. But the priests 
who gathered these older writings subjeqted them to 
a series of systematic literary modificatioils, whereby 
the r6le of the ancient gods, particularly that of Bel 
of Nippur, was transferred to Marduk of Babylon. 
The Creation Epic is a case in point. In the culmi- 
nation of that poem the overthrow of Tiamat, the 
representative of chaos the task of representing the 
Babylonian gods in the struggle is assigned to Mar- 
duk, and the honors of victory are awarded to him. 
But it is probable tliat in the earlier form of the Epic 
both contest and victory were the part of another deity 
of the earlier pantheon. A careful analysis of this 




and other religious documents of the period has been 
made by Professor Jastrow, who has brilliantly demon- ^ 
.^tmted that " the legends and traditions of the past," ^ A ' 
were '' reshaped and the cult in part remodelled so as ^ 
to emphasize the supremacy of Marduk" (Rel. of 
Bab. and Assyr., chaps, vii., xxi.). In addition to 
this special activity on behalf of their favorite god, f 
the priests of the time now began to build up those ^ 
systems of cosmology and theology which successive 
generations of schoolmen elaborated into the stately 
structures of speculation that so mightily influenced 
the philosophy and religion of the ancient world. 




102. With the last king of the dynasty of Kham- 
murabi (about 2098 B. c.) a period of darkness falls 
upon the history of the land between the rivers. A 
new dpiasty of the Babylonian kings' list begins with 
a certain Anmanu, and continues with ten other kings 
whose names are anything but suggestive of Babylo- 
nian origin. The regnal years of the eleven reach 
the respectable number of three hundred and sixty- 
eight. The problem of their origin is complicated 
with that of deciphering the word (Uru-azagga ?) 
descriptive of them in the kings' Hst. Some think 
that it points to a quarter of the city of Babylon. 
Others, reading it Uru-kti, see in it the name of the 
ancient city of Uruk. The length of the reigns of the 
several kings is above the average, and suggests peace 
and prosperity under their rule. It is certainly 
strange in that case that no memorials of them have 
as yet been discovered, a fact that lends some plausi- 
bility to the theory maintained by Hommel that this 
dynasty was contemporaneous with that of Kham- 
murabi and never attained significance. 

103. The third dynasty, as recorded on the kings' 
list, consists of thirty-six kings, who reigned five hun- 
dred seventy-six years and nine months (about 1717- 
1110 B. c). About these kings information, while 


quite extensive, is yet so fragmentary as to render ex- 
act and organized presentation of their liistory exceed- 
ingly difficult. The kings' list is- badly broken in the 
middle of the dynasty, so that only the first six and 
the last eleven or twelve of the names are intact, 
leaving thirteen or fourteen to be otherwise supplied 
and the order of succession to be determined from 
imperfect and inconclusive data. Only one royal 
inscription of some length exists, that of a certain 
Agum-kakrime who does not appear on the dynastic 
list. The tablets found at Nippur by the University 
of Pennsylvania's expedition have added several names 
to the list and thrown new light upon the history of the 
dynasty. The fragments of the so-called "Synchro- 
nistic History " (sect. 30) cover, in part, the relations 
of the Babylonian and Assyrian kings of this age, and 
the recently discovered royal Egyptian archives known 
as the Tel-el- Amarna tablets contain letters from and 
to seveml of them. From these materials it is pos- 
sible to obtain the names of all but three or four of the 
missing thirteen or fourteen kings, and to reach some- 
thing like a general knowledge of the whole period and 
some details of single. i*eigns and epochs. Yet it is 
evident that the absence of some royal names not only 
makes the order of succession in the dark period un- 
certain, but throws its chronology into disorder. Nor 
is the material sufficient to remove the whole age from 
the region of indefiniteness as to the aims and achieve- 
ments of the dynasty, or to make possible a grouping 
into epochs of development which may be above 
criticism. With these considerations in mind it_is 
possible roughly to divide the period into four epochs: 
first, the beginnings of Kassite rule ; second^_the 


appearance of Assyria as a possible rival of Kassite 
Babylonia ; third, the .culmination of the dynasty and 
the struggle with Ass^nriaj^fo urth, the decline and 
disappearance of the Kassites. 

104. Merely a glance at the names in the dynastic 
list is evidence that a majority of them are of a non- 
Babylonian character. The royal inscriptions prove 
beyond doubt that the dynasty as a whole was foreign, 
and its domination the result of invasion by a people 
called_Kashhus, or, to use a more conventional name, 
the Kassites. They belonged to the eastern mountains, 
occupying the high valleys from the borders of Elam 
northward, living partly from the scanty products of 
tlie soil and partly by plundering travellers and 
making descents upon the western plain. The few 
fragments of their language which survive are not 
sufficient to indicate its affinity either to the Elamite 
or the Median, and at present all that can be said is 
that they formed a greater or lesser division of that 
congeries of mountain peoples which, without unity or 
common name and language, surged back and forth 
over the mountain wall stretching from the Caspian 
Sea to the Persian gulf. Their home seems to have 
been in the vicinity of those few mountain passes 
which lead from the valley up to the table-land. 
Hence they were brought into closer relations with 
the trade and commerce which from time imme- 
morial had used these passes, and thereby they were 
early made aware of the civilization and wealth of 

105. Whether driven by the impulse to conquest, 
begotten of a growing knowledge of Babylonian 
weakness, or by the pressure of peoples behind and 


about them, the Kassites appear at an early day to 
have figured in the annals of the Babylonian kingdom. 
In the ninth year of Samsuiluna, of the first dynasty, 
they were invading the land. This doubtless isolated 
invasion was repeated in the following years until by 
the beginning of the seventeenth century B. c, they 
seem to have gained the upper hand in Babylomal 
Their earlier field of operations seems to have been in 
the south, near the mouth of the rivers. Here was 
Karduniash, the home of the Kassites in Babylonia, 
a name subsequently extended over all the land. It 
is not improbable that a Kassite tribe settled here in 
the last days of the second dynasty, and, assimilated, 
to the civilization of the land, was later reinforced by 
larger bands of the same people displaced from the 
original home of the Kassites by pressure from behind, 
and that the combined forces found it easy to over- 
spread and gain possession of the whole country. 
Such a supposition is in harmony with the evident 
predilection of the Kassites for southern Babylonia, as 
weU as with their maintenance of authority over the 
regions in which they originally had their home. It 
also explains how, very soon after they came to^p^ower,^ 
they were hardly to be distinguished from ihe Semitic 
Babylonians over whom they ruled. They employed 
the royal titles, worshipped at the ancient shrines, 
served the native gods, and wrote their inscriptions 
in the Babylonian language- 

106. Of the six kings whose names appear first on 
the dynastic list nothing of historical importance is 
known. The gap that ensues in that list, covering 
thirteen or fourteen names, is filled up from sources 
to which reference has already been made. Agum- 


kakrime (sect. 103), whose inscription of three 
hundred and thirty-eight lines is the most important 
Kassite document as yet discovered, probably stands 
near the early kings, is perhaps the seventh in order 
(about 1600 B. c). This inscription, preserved in an 
Assyrian copy, was originally deposited in the temple 
at Babylon, and describes the royal achievements on 
behalf of the god Marduk and his divine spouse 
Zarpanit. The king first proclaims his own glory by 
reciting his genealogy, his relation to the gods and 
his royal titles: 

I am Agumkakrime, the son of Tashshigurumash ; the 
illustrious descendan'E of god Shuqamuna ; called by Anu 
and Bel, Ea and Marduk, Sin and Shamash ; the power- 
ful hero of Ishtar, the warrior among the goddesses. 

I am a king of wisdom and prudence ; a king who 
grants hearing and pardon ; the son of Tashshigurumash ; 
the descendant^ of Abirumash, the crafty warrior ; the 
first son among the numerous family of the great Agum ; 
an illustrious, royal scion who holds the reins of the 
nation (and is) a mighty shepherd. ... 

I am king of the country of Kashshu and of the 
Akkadians ; king of the wide country of Babylon, who 
settles the numerous people in Ashnunak ; the King 
of Padan and Alman ; the King of Gutium, a foolish 
nation ; (a king) who makes obedient to him the four 
regions, and has always been a favorite of the great 
gods (I. 1-42). ^. 

107. 4^ii]BLkakrime found, on taking the throne, 
that the images of Marduk and Zarpanit, chief deities 
of the city, had been removed from the temple to the 
land of Khani, a region not yet definitely located, 
but presumably i n northern Mesopotainia, and pos- 


sibly on the head-waters of the Euphrates. Thi 
removal took place probably in connection with an 
invasion of peoples from that distant region, who 
were subsequently driven out; and it. sheds light^j^n 
the weakened and disordered condition of the land 
at the time of the appearance of the Kassites. Thee 
images were recovered by the king, either through 
an embassy or by force of arms. The inscription is 
indefinite on the point, but the wealth of the king as 
intimated in the latter part of the inscription would 
suggest that he was at least able to compel the surren- 
der of them. On being recovered they were replaced 
in their temple, which was renovated and splendidly 
furnished for their reception. Gold and precious 
stones and woods were employed in lavish profusion 
for the adornment of the persons of the divine pair 
and the decoration of their abode. Their priesthoods 
were revived, the service re-established, and endow- 
ments provided for the temple. 

108. In the countries enumerated by Agum- 
kakrime as under his sway no mention is made of a 
people who were soon to exercise a commanding 
influence upon the history of the Kassite dynasty. 
The people of Assyria, however, although, even 
before that time, having a local habitation and rulers, 
the names of some of whom have come down in 
tradition, could hardly have been independent of a 
king who claimed authority over the land of the 
Kassites and the Guti, Padan, and Alman, districts 
which lie in the region of the middle and upper 
Tigris, or on the slopes of the eastern mountains 
(Delitzsch, Paradies, p. 205). According to the 
report of the Synchronistic History, about a century 


and a half later Assyria was capable of treating 
with Babylonia on equal terms, but, even if the 
opening passages of that document (some eleven 
lines) had been preserved, they would hardly have 
indicated such relations at a much earlier date. The 
sudden rise of Assyria, therefore, is reasonably ex- 
plained as connected with the greater movement 
which made the Kassites supreme in Babylonia. :j^ . 

109. The people who established the kingdom of 
Assyria exhibit, in language and customs and even in 
physical characteristics, a close likeness to the Baby- 
lonians. They were, therefore, not only a Semitic 
people, but, apparently, also of Semitic-Babylonian 
stock. The most natural explanation of this fact is 
that they were originally a Babylonian colony. They 
seem, however, to be of even purer Semitic blood than 
their Babylonian ancestors, and some scholars have 
preferred to see in them an independent offshoot from 
the original Semitic migration into the Mesopotamian 
valley (sect. 51). If that be so, they must have come 
very early under Babylonian influence which domi- 
nated the essential elements of their civilization and 
its growth down to their latest days. The earliest 
centre of their organization was the city of Assur on 
the west bank of the middle Tigris (lat. n. 35 30'), 
where a line of low hills begins to run southward 
along the river. Perched on the outlying northern 
spur of these hills, and by them sheltered from the 
nomads of the steppe and protected by the broad 
river in front from the raids of mountaineers of the 
east, the city was an outpost of Babylonian civiliza- 
tion and a station on the natural road of trade with 
the lands of the upper Tigris. A fertile stretch of 


alluvial soil in the vicinity supplied the necessary 
agricultural basis of life, while, a few miles to the 
north, bitumen springs furnished, as on the Euphrates, 
an article of commerce and an indispensable element 
of building (Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, II. 
chap. xii.). The god of the city was Ashur, "the 
good one," and from him the city received its name 
(Jastrow, Rel. of Bab. and Assyria, p. 196). 

110. The early rulers of the city of Assur were 
patesis (sect. 75), viceroys of Babylonian rulers. 
Some of their names have come down in tradition, 
as, for example, those of Ishme Dagan and his son, 
Shamshi Adad, who lived according to Tiglathpileser 

I. about seven hundred years before himself (that is, 
about 1840-1800 B.C.). Later kings of Assyria also 
refer to other rulers of the early age to whom they 
give the royal title, but of whom nothing further is 
known. The first mention of Assur is in a letter of 
king Khammurabi of the first dynasty of Babylon, 
who seems to intimate that the city was a part of the 
Babylonian Empire (King, Let. and Inscr. of H., III. 
p. 3). In the darkness that covers these beginnings, 
the viceroys became independent of Babylonia and 
extended their authority up the Tigris to Kalkhi, 
Arbela, and Nineveh, cities to be in the futur.e cen- 
tres of the Assyrian Empire. The kingdom of Ayria 
took form and gathered power. 

111. The physical characteristics of this region 
could not but shape the activities of those who lived 
within its borders. It is the northeastern corner of 
Mesopotamia. The mountains rise in the rear ; the 
Tigris and Mesopotamia are in front. The chief cities 
of Assyria, with the sole exception of Assur, lie to 


the east of the great river and on the narrow shelf 
between it and the northeastern mountain ranges. 
They who live there must needs find nature less 
friendly to them than to their brethren of the south. 
Agriculture does not richly reward their labors. 
They learn, by struggling with the wild beasts of 
the hills and the fierce men of the mountains, the 
thirst for battle and the joy of victory. And as they 
grow too numerous for their borders, the prospect, 
barred to the east and north, opens invitingly towards 
the west and southwest* Thus the Assyrian found 
in his surroundings the encouragement to devote 
himself to war and to the chase rather than to the 
peaceful pursuits of agriculture; the preparation for 
military achievement on a scale hitherto unrealized. 

112. It is not difficult to conceive how the Kassite 
conquest of Babylonia profoundly influenced the de- 
velopment of Assyria. The city of Assur, protected 
from the inroads of the eastern invaders by its position 
on the west bank of the Tigris, became, at the same 
time, the refuge of those Babylonians who fled before 
the conquerors as they overspread the land. The 
Assyrian community was thus enabled to throw 
off the yoke of allegiance to the mother country, now 
in possession of foreigners, and to establish itself as 
an independent kingdom. Its patesis became kings, 
and began to cherish ambitions of recovering the 
home-land from the grasp of the enemy, and of ex- 
tending their sway over the upper Tigris and be- 
yond. It is not unlikely that this latter endeavor 
was at least partially successful during the early 
period of the Kassite rule. It is certainly signifi- 
cant that Agumkakrime does not mention Assyria 



among the districts under liij sway and if, as has 
been remarked (sect. 108), his sphere of influence 
seems to include it, his successors were soon to learn 
that a new power must be reckoned with, in settling 
the question of supremacy on the middle Tigris. 


ASSYRIA. 1500-1150 B.C. 

113. The half millennium (2000-1500 B.C.), that 
saw the decline of Old Babylonia, its conquest by the 
Kassites and the beginnings of the kingdom of 
Assyria, had been also a period of transition in the 
rest of the ancient oriental world. In Egypt the 
quiet, isolated development of native life and forces 
which had gone on unhindered for two thousand years 
and had produced so remarkable a civilization, was 
broken into by the invasion of the Hyksos, Semitic 
nomads from Arabia, who held the primacy of power 
for three hundred years and introduced new elements 
and influences into the historical process. In the re- 
gion lying between the Euphrates and the Nile, which 
in the absence of a common name may be called 
Syria, where Babylonian civilization, sustained from 
time to time by Babylonian armies, had taken deep 
root, similar changes, though less clearly attested by 
definite historical memorials, seem to- have taken 
place. The Hyksos movement into Egypt could not 
but have been attended with disturbances in southern 
Syria, reflected perhaps in the patriarchal traditions 
of the Hebrews. In the north, peoples from the 
mountains that rim the upper plateau began to de- 
scend and occupy the regions to the east a,nd west of 


the head-waters of the Euphrates, thus threatening 
the security of the highways of trade, and, conse- 
quently, Babylonian authority on the Mediterranean. 

114. Had the Babylonian kingdom been unham- 
pered, it might have met and overcome these adverse 
influences in its western provinces and continued its 
hegemony over the peoples of Syria. But to the 
inner confusion caused by the presence of foreign 
rulers was added the antagonism of a young and 
vigorous rival, the Assyrian kingdom on the upper 
Tigris. Through the absorption of both powers in 
the complications that ensued, any vigorous move- 
ment toward the west was impossible, It was from 
another and quite unexpected quarter that the politi- 
cal situation was to be transformed. In Egypt by 
the beginning of the sixteenth century a desperate 
struggle of the native element against the ruling Hyk- 
sos began, resulting, as the century drew to a close, in 
the expulsion of the foreigners. Under the fresh im- 
pulses aroused by this victorious struggle the nation 
entered an entirely new path of conquest. The Pha- 
raohs of the New Empire went forth to win Syria, 

115. The fifteenth century b. c, therefore, marks 
a turning-point in the history of Western Asia. Th^ 
nations that had hitherto wrought out largely by 
themselves their contributions to civilization and 
progress came into direct political relation one with 
another in that middle zone between tlie Euphrates 
and the Nile, which was henceforth to be the battle- 
ground of their armies and the reward of i their 
victories. From that time forth the politics of the 
kings was to be a world-politics; the balance of 
power was to be a burning question ; international 


diplomacj came into being. The three great powers 
were Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia. Lesser king- 
doms appeared as Egypt advanced into the East, 
JMitanni in northwestern Mesopotamia, whose people 
used the cuneiform script to express a language 
which cannot yet be understood, Alasia in north- 
western Syria, and the Hittites just rounding into 
form in the highlands of northeastern Syria and des- 
tined to play so brilliant a part, if at present a 
puzzling one, in the history of the coming centuries. 
At first, Egypt carried all before her. Under the 
successive Pharaohs of the eighteenth dynasty, her 
armies passed victoriously up and down along the 
eastern Mediterranean and even crossed the Eu- 
phrates. All Syria became an Egyptian province, 
paying tribute to the empire of the Nile. Egyptian 
civilization was dominant throughout the whole 

116. The effect of this Egyptian predominance in 
Syria upon the kingdoms of the Tigro-Euphrates 
valley was significant. The Egyptians obtained the 
monopoly of the trade of its new provinces, and the 
eastern kingdoms were cut off* They were crowded 
back as Egypt pressed forward. It is not improbable 
that Assyria's northern movement (sect. 112) was by 
this pressure forced to the east, and therefore the 
centre"bl Assyrian power shifted to the other side of 
the Tigris over against the eastern mountains. The 
image of Ishtar, goddess of Nineveh, had fallen during 
this time into the hands of the king of Mitanni, who 
sent it to Egypt (Winckler, Tel-el-Amarna Letters, 
20). The pent up forces of the two peoples declined 
and exhausted themselves in reviving and pursuing 


with greater intensity and persistence the struggle 
for local supremacy. Assyria was. numbered by 
Thutmose III. of Egypt (1480-1427 B. c.) among his 
tributaries for two years, although this may have been 
little more than a vainglorious boast, arising out of the 
endeavor of the Assyrian king to obtain the Egyptian 
alliance by means of gifts. That Egypt was courted 
by both Babylonian and Assyrian rulers is testified 
to by the archives of Amenhotep IV., as preserved in 
the Tel-el-Amarna letters, which contain communica- 
tions from kings of both nations to the Pharaohs, 
intimating that these negotiations had been going on 
for half a century. The Pharaohs, having won their 
provinces in Syria by force of arms, were willing to 
maintain possession by alliances with bordering peoples 
whom they regarded as inferior, even while treating 
with them on the conventional terms imposed by 
the diplomacy of the time* Thus they exchanged 
princesses with Mitanni, Babylon, and Assyria, and 
made presents of gold, the receipt of which the kings 
of these lands acknowledged by asking for more. 
Their deferential attitude towai'd Egypt, hovrever, 
goes somewhat beyond what must have been the 
diplomatic courtesy of the time, and shows how Egypt 
stood as arbiter and head among them. A perfect 
illustration of the situation is given in the following 
paragraph from a letter of the king of Babylon to 
Amenhotep IV. of Egypt : 

In the time of Kurigalzu, my father, the Canaanites as 
a body sent to him as follows : " Against the frontier of 
the land, let us march, and invade it. Let us make an 
alliance with thee." Then my father sent them this 
(reply), as follows; ''Cease (trying) to form an ajUance 


with me. If you cherish hostility against the king of 
Egypt, my brother, and bind yourselves together (with 
an oath), as for me, shall I not come and plunder you ? 
for he is in alliance with me." My father, for the 
^ke of thy father, did not heed them. Now, (as to) the 
Assyrians, my own subjects, did I not send thee (word) 
concerning their matters ? Why has (an embassy) entered 
thy country ? If thou lovest me, let them have no good 
fortune. Let them secure no (advantage) whatever 
(ABL, p. 221). 

While Egypt must needs be on friendly terms with 
the Mesopotamian states in order to keep them from 
interfering in Syria, it was with each one of them a 
vital matter to gain her exclusive alliance, or prevent 
any other of them from securing it. 

117. In these conditions of world-politics, the com- 
plications between the rival states in Mesopotamia, 
as already remarked, were increased and intensified. 
The problem of a boundary line, a frequent source of 
trouble between nations, occasioned recurring diffi- 
culties. -^ jjLaKwndask for Babylon and Ashur-bel-ni- 
sheshu foFAs Syria settled it (about 1450) by a treaty 
(Synchr. Hist., col. I. 1-4). The same procedure was 
followed about half a century later by the Babylonian 
Burnab uryas I. (?) and the Assyrian Puzur-ashur (Ibid., 
col. I. 5-7). Of Kadashman Bel (Kallima Sin), who 
reigned at Bibylon in the interval, four letters to 
Amenhotep III. of Egypt are preserved in the Tel-el- 
Amarna tablets, together with one from the Pharaoh to 
him, but beyond the mention of exchanging daugh- 
ters as wives they contain no historical facts of impor- 
tance. Kurigalzu I. (about 1380 B. c), the son and 
successor of Burnaburyas (I. ? ), is mentioned in the 


same collection of documents as on good terms with 
Egypt, but no record remains of his relations with 
Assyria, where Ashur-nadin-akhi ruled. The same is 
true 9f the latter's son, Ashur-uballit and the Baby- 
loniah Burnaburyas II. (about 1350 B. c), son of 
Kurigalzu I., who refers to his rival in the boastful 
terms already quoted (sect. 116), which, however, 
must be interpreted as the language of diplomacy. 
His six letters to the Pharaoh Amenhotep IV. are, 
otherwise, historically barren. Ashuruballit, " the 
vassal," succeeded in maiTying his daughter Mubal- 
litat-sirua to the Babylonian king's son, Karakhardash, 
who followed his father upon the throne (about 1325 
B. c). The two kings also renewed the boundary 
treaty of their fathers (RP, 2 ser. V. p. 107, and 
Winckler, Alt. Or. Forsch. I., ii. pp. 115 f.). Here the 
first stage of the rivalry may be said to close. From 
a position of insignificance the Assyrian kingdom had 
been raised, by a series of able rulers, to an equality 
with Babylonia, and the achievement was consum^ 
mated by the union of the royal houses. 

118. The son of this union~vadashman-kharbe, 
succeeded his father on the Babylonian throne while 
his grandfather, Ashuruballit, still ruled in Assyria. 
To him, apparently, a Babylonian chronicle fragment 
ascribes the clearing of the Euphrates road from the 
raids of the Bedouin Suti, and the building of fort- 
resses and planting of colonies in Syria (RP, 2 ser. 
v., and Winckler, AOF, 1. c). But it is not improb- 
able that, if done by him, it was in connection with 
his grandfather, who, in his letter to the Pharaoh 
Amenhotep IV., expressly mentions the Suti as infest- 
ing the roads to the west, evidently the trade routes 


of the upper Mesopotamiaii valley (Winckler, Tel-el- 
Amarna Letters, pp. 30 f.). This close relation to 
Assyria was not pleasing to the Kassite nobles, who 
rebelled against their king, killed him, and set a cer- 
tain Suzigas, or Nazibugas, upon the throne. But 
the aged Ashuruballit hastened to avenge his grand- 
son, marched into Babylonia, and put the usurper to 
death. In his stead he placed on the throne the son 
of Kadashman-kharbe a^Kurigalzu II., who, called 
the " young " one, was evidently still a child. With 
this agrees the probable reading of the years of his 
reign as fifty-five upon the kings' list. He must at 
first have reigned under the tutelage of Ashuruballit, 
who, however, could not have lived long after his 
great-grandson's accession, The Assyrian throne was 
taken by his son Bel-nirari, who was followed by his 
son Pudi-ilu. Kurigalzu outlived both these kings, 
and saw Pudi-ilu's son, Adad-nirari I., succeed his 
father. The Babylonian king seems not to have 
altered his friendly attitude towaid Assyria during 
the reigns of the first two kings. He waged a bril- 
liantly successful war with the Elamites, captured 
their king Khurba-tila with his own hands, sacked 
Susa, his capital, and brought back great spoil. At 
Nippur he offered to the goddess of the shrine an 
agate tablet which, after having been given to Ishtar 
of Uruk in honor of Dungi of Ur more than a thou- 
sand years before, had been carried away to Elam in 
the Elamite invasion of the third millennium and was 
now returned to its Babylonian home. In his last 
years the king came into conflict with Adadnirari I. of 
Assyria. Was it owing to the ambition of a young 
and vigorous ruler who hoped to get the better of his 


aged rival? Or was it the Babylqman^s__growing 
distrust of the power of Assyria, which, under one of 
the kings of his time, Belnirari, had attacked and 
overthrown the Kassites in their ancestral home to 
the east of the Tigris ? Whatever was the occasion, 
the two armies met, and the Assyrian was completely 
defeated (RP, 2 ser. V. pp. 109 ff., cfnrvn^~2g; 
Winckler, AOF, p. 122). A_ readjustment of boun- 
daries followed. Kurigalzu II. was an industrious 
builder. Whether the citadel of Dur Kurigalzu, 
which lay as a bulwark on the northern border of 
the Babylonian plain, was built by him or his prede- 
cessor, the first of the name, is uncertain. The same 
confusion attaches to most of the Kurigalzu inscrip- 
tions, though the probabilities are in favor of ascrib- 
ing the majority of them to Kurigalzu II. The temples 
at Ur and Nippur were rebuilt by him as well as that 
of Agade. A statement of the Babylonian chronicle 
suggests that he was the first Kassite king who 
favored Babylon and its^ god Marduk, He gives 
himself in his inscriptions, among other titles, that of 
" Viceroy of the god Bel " and may well be that 
Kurigalzu whom a later ruler, in claiming descent 
from him, proudly calls the '' incomparable king " 
(sharru la sanaan). 

119. The period of peace with the Kassite rulers of 
Babylonia had been improved by the Assyrian kings 
in extending their boundaries toward the north and 
east. An inscription of Adadnirari I. (KB, I. 4fi;.) 
ascribes the beginning of this forward movement to 
his great-grandfather, Ashuruballit, wlio conquered 
the Subari on the upper Tigris^ Belnirari and 
Pudi-ilu campaigned in the east and southeast in the 


well-watered region between the river and the 
mountains, where dwelt the Kuti, the Suti, the Kassi, 
and other peoples of the mountain and the steppe, 
down to the borders of Elam. Adadnirari I. con- 
tinued the advance by subduing the Lulumi in the 
east, but his defeat by Kurigalzu II. cost him the 
southern conquests of his predecessors, as the boun- 
dary-line established after the battle (Syn. Hist., col. I. 
21-23) and the silence of his own inscription indi- 
"cate. However, he strengthened Assyria's hold on 
the other peoples by planting cities among them. 
When Kurigalzu II. was succeeded in Babylonia by 
his son Nazi-maruttash, the Assyrian king tried the 
fortune of battle with him, and this time apparently 
with greater success, although the new boundaries 
agreed upon seem very little different from those in 
the time of Kurigalzu II. (Syn. Hist., col. I. 24-31). 
120. Under Adadnirari's son, Shalmaneser I. (about 
1300 ?), Assyria began to push westward. The dec- 
ades that had passed since the correspondence be- 
tween the Amenhoteps of Egypt and the kings of 
Assyria and Babylonia had witnessed a great change 
in the political relations of Egypt and Syria. A 
people which in the fifteenth century was just ap- 
pearing in northern Syria, the Khatti (Hittites), had 
pushed down and overspread the land to the borders 
of Palestine. The eighteenth Egyptian dynasty had 
disappeared, and the nineteenth, which had succeeded, 
found the Khatti invincible. Eamses II., the fourth .q 4 
Pharaoh of that dynasty, made a treaty of peace with \^ 
them, wherein he renounced all Egyptian provinces ^^ 
north of Palestine. With the pressure thus removed 
from northern Mesopotamia, Assyria was free to move 


in this the natural direction of her expansion. It was 
a turning-point in the world's history when this nation 
set its face toward the west. Shalmaneser followed 
up the Tigris, crossed its upper waters, planted 
Assyrian outposts among the tribes, and marched 
along the southern spurs of the mountains to the 
head-waters of the Euphrates^ The chief peoples 
conquered by him were the Arami, by whom are to 
be understood the Arameans of western Mesopotamia, 
and the Mugri^ concerning whose position little is 
known unless they are the people of that name living 
in northern Syria^ In this case Shalmaneser was 
the first Assyrian king to carry the Assyrian arms 
across the Euphrates. The large additions to 
Assyria's territoiy on all sides thus made probably 
lay at the bottom of Shalmaneser's transfer of the 
seat of his administration from the ancient city of 
Assur to Kalkhi (Calah), forty miles to the north, 
and on the eastern side of the Tigris just above the 
point where the upper Zab empties into the- great 
river. The strategic advantages of the site are 
obvious, the protection offered by the Zab and the 
Tigris, the more central location and the greater acces- 
sibility from all parts of the now much enlarged state. 
Here the king built his city, which testified to the 
sagacity of its founder by remaining one of the great 
centres of Assyrian life down to the end of the 
empire. The title of Shar Kishshate^ "king of the 
world," which he and his father Adadnirari were 
the first Assyrian kings to claim, is a testimony both 
of their greatness and of the consciousness of national 
enlargement which their work produced. 

121. Of the Kassite kings who held Babylonia 


duiing these years little is known beyond their names 
and regnal years (sect. 103). An uncertain passage 
on the broken Ashur-nagir-pal (?) obelisk seems to 
refer to a hostile meeting between Kadashman-burias 
and Shalmaneser I. of Assyria (Hommel, GBA, 
p. 437). A much more important contest was that 
between Shalmaneser's son, Tukulti Ninib (about 
1250) and the Kassite rulers. From fragments of a 
Babylonian chronicle (RP, 2 ser. Y. p^ll), it is 
clear that the Assyrian king entered Babylonia, and 
for seven years held the throne against all comers, 
defeating and overthrowing, it is probable, four 
Babylonian kings who successively sought to main- 
tain their rights against him. At last, owing perhaps 
to the dissatisfaction felt in Assyria at the king's 
evident preference for governing his kingdom from 
Babylonia, Tukulti Ninib was himself murdered by a 
conspiracy headed by his own son AshurnaQirpal. 
Here the second stage of the struggle may be said to 
terminate. It had been accompanied by a remarkable 
development of Assyria which brought the state, 
though hardly yet of age, to a position of power that 
culminated in the humiliation and temporary sub- 
jection of her rival under Assyrian rule. During the 
reign of Tukulti Ninib Assyria was the mistress of 
the entire Tigro-Euphrates valley from the mountains 
to the Persian gulf. 

122. During these evil years Babylonia had suffered 
from Elamite inroads (RP, 2 ser. V. pp. Ill f.) as 
well as borne the yoke of the Assyrian. But the 
murder of Tukulti Ninib gave the opportunity for a 
new and successful rebellion which placed Adad-shum- 
U9ur (Adad-nadin-akhi) upon the throne. He ruled, 


according to the kings' list, for thirty years. Under 
him and his successors, Mili-shikhuand Marduk-bal- 
iddin I. (about 1150 B. c), a sudden and splendid 
uplift was given to Babjdonia's fortunes. If the hints 
contained in the fragmentary sources are correctly 
understood, it appears that, toward the close of the 
reign of Adadshumu^ur, he was attacked by the 
Assyrian king Bel-kudur-u^ur. The battle resulted 
in a victor^for the Babylonians, but both kings were 
killed. The Assyrian general, Ninib-apal-ekur, possi- 
bly a son of the king, withdrew his forces, and, pressed 
hard by Milishikhu, the son and successor of the Baby- 
lonian king, shut himself up in the city of Assur, 
apparently his capital rather than Kalkhi, where 
he was able to beat off the enemy. He succeeded to 
the Assyrian throne, but with the loss of Assyrian 
prestige and authority in the Mesopotamian valley. 
For twenty-eight years, during the reigns of Milishikhu^ 
and his son Mardukbaliddin, Babylonia was suprAiie. 
The latter king assumed the title borne by Shalma- 
neser I. of Assyria, " King of the World," which 
implied, if Wincklerls understanding of the title is to 
be accepted (sect. 51), authority over northern Meso- 
potamia between the Tigris and Euphrates. Be that 
as it may, this brilliant outburst of Kassite Babylonia 
was transient. Zamaraa-shum-iddin, the, successor of 
Mardukbaliddin, was attacked and worstacLb^L^&hur- 
dan of Assyria, son of Ninib-apal-ekur. Within t hree 
years his successor, Bel-shum-iddin, was . detlirojied, 
and the Kassite dynasty of Babylonia came to.aiLjend 
after nearly six centuries of power (about 1140 b. c). 



123. The earliest and by no means the least im- 
pressive instance of the power of civilization to 
dominate a rude people and mould them to its will is 
furnished in the relations of Babylonia to the Kassites. 
Tribes, vigorous and wild, hitherto possessing but 
slight traces of organization and culture, descended 
from the hills upon a region in which dwelt a nation 
of high social and political development, possessing 
a long history of achievements in culture, distin- 
guished for the peaceful acquisitions of w^ealth and 
the enjoyment jo^the. refinements of civilization. The 
outcome, it might seem, was likely to be the over- 
throw of the political structure, and the disappearance 
of the high attainment in science and the arts of 
life, reached by slow stages through two thousand 
years, to be followed by a painful rebuilding of the 
political and social edifice on new foundations. In 
reality the very opposite of this took place. The 
splendid work of Babylonian civilization stood intact ; 
the conquerors entered into the inheritance of its 
traditions and achievements, and within a century 
were found laboring for its advancement and perfec- 
tion. The Kassites were absorbed into the Babylo- 
nian life without a struggle. They even lost all 
attachment to the mountain homes whence they came 


and to the peoples from which they sprang, and per- 
mitted them, at last, to pass into the possession of 

124. The Kassite regime was not, however, without 
its influence upon Babylonian history and life. The 
direct contributions of purely Kassite elements were, 
indeed, few. Some words enriched the language ; the 
new speech became a dialect which must be mastered 
by the scholars; some cults of Kassite gods were 
established and remained. A new racial ingredient 
was poured into the already varied complex which 
made up the Babylonian people, an ingredient not 
without value in infusing fresh and vigorous elements 
into the doubtless somewhat enfeebled stock. For 
the incoming of the invaders was sufficient evi- 
dence that the native population was no longer able 
to defend itself against assaults, and the service of 
Agumkakrime, of which he boasts in his inscrip- 
tion (sect. 106), is an example of what the Kassites 
were to do for Babylonia. That such a work was 
not only necessary but appreciated by the nation is 
abundantly proved by the length of time during 
which the Kassite kings sat upon the throne, in 
spite of the difficulties which encompassed them. 

125. Not as Kassite but as Babylonian kings, there- 
fore, did these rulers contribute to the development 
of the land between the rivers. Entering into the 
heritage of preceding dynasties, they ruled like them 
in accordance with Babylonian precedent, and in 
many respects were worthy of the succession. In 
one thing they surpassed their predecessors; they 
gave to Babylonia a common name. Up to their 
time, the kings had been rulers of cities whose 


authority extended over districts round about, a state 
of things true even of the age of Khammurabi, when 
all the land was united under the sway of the city- 
state of Babylon. Yet these foreign conquerors were 
able to succeed where that great king had failed. 
They called themselves kings of Karduniash. Tliis 
name was not that of a city, and while it was at lirst 
attached to one of the southern districts (sect 105), 
soon came to be applied to the whole country, so 
that, when later kings of Assyria would assert their 
lordship over their ancestral enemy in the south, they 
proudly assumed the old Kassite designation " King 
of Karduniash." This achievement was significant of 
the new unity attained under this dynasty. Reference 
has alread}^ been made (sect. 100) to the religious 
policy which guided the unifiers of Babylonia in the 
days of Khammurabi. It centred in the exaltation of 
the city-god Marduk of Babylon, and the systematic 
abasement of the other religious shrines, particularly 
that of Nippur. But in this period that very temple 
of Bel at Nippur seems to have returned to promi- 
nence and its god received high honor. The Ameri- 
can explorers on that site note that one of the 
Kurigalzus rebuilt the ancient ziggurat, another Kas- 
site king ''built the great structure containing the 
Court of Columns," and the memorials of this dynasty, 
in the shape of votive offerings and temple archives, 
are the characteristic and dominating element among 
the objects unearthed on the site (Peters, Nippur, 
11. p. 259 and passim). Moreover, among the few 
Kassite inscriptions found elsewhere, are records of 
temple-building at other points. Kara-indash built 
at Uruk, Burnaburyash at Larsam, and Kurigalzu at 



Larsam and Ur. These facts have led to the infer- 
ence that the Kassites represented a reaction from the 
systematic glorification of Marduk of Babylon as 
god of gods, in favor of the older deities and the 
provincial shrines, and that this attitude illustrates 
their general position in opposition to the policy of 
Khammurabi, whereby they favored the people of the 
country at large as over against the capital city, 
Babylon. It is true that Agumkakrime's inscription 
is largely occupied with his services to the temple of 
Marduk, and that the other kings seem to have con- 
tinued to dwell at Babylon, but these facts do not 
deter an eminent scholar from summing up the contri- 
bution of the Kassite dynasty to the development of 
Babylonia in these words : " By restoring the former 
glory of Ekur, the ancient national sanctuary in 
Nippur, so deeply rooted in the hearts of the Babylo- 
nian people, and by stepping forward as the champions 
of the sacred rights of the 'father of the gods,' they 
were able to bring about a reconciliation and a final 
melting together of the Kassite and Semitic elements " 
(Hilprecht, OBT, I. i. p. 31). 

126. The civilization of Karduniash to use the 
name characteristic of this age was, in the Kassite 
period, influenced as never before by intemationalj'e- 
lations. The great nations had come into intimate 
communication with one another, and their intercourse 
demanded a code of customs for its proper regulation. 
Hence came the beginnings of international law. The 
first treaty known to history belongs to this period, 
that of the Pharaoh Ramesos IT. with tlie king of the 
Hittites, containing the famous so-called " extradition " 
clause. Hints of a kind of compact between Babylo- 


nian kings and the Pharaohs are given in the Tel-el- 
Amarna letters. We hear now for the first time of 
the *' brotherhood of nations." " First estiiblish good 
brotherhood between us " are words contained in a 
letter of Amenhotep III. to Kadashman Bel (Winck- 
ler, TAL, letter 1). Ambassadors pass to and fro 
between the courts on the Euphrates and the Nile. 
They carry safe-conducts for passage through tlie 
Egyptian provinces of Syria. Their persons are sa- 
cred, and the king in whose provinces an insult has 
been offered to them must punish the offender. Be- 
tween the royal personages who figure in these letters, 
it has been thought that the relations were something 
more than formal, and the message of a Mitannian 
king to Amenhotep IV. on hearing of the death of 
his father, has a pathetic ring: "Never did Nimmu- 
riya, your father, break his promises I have mourned 
for him deeply, and when he died, I wished to die my- 
self ! May he, whom I loved, live with God " (Tiele- 
Western Asia, p. 12). 

127. The influence of Egypt upon the life of the 
Babylonians, resulting from this enlarged intercourse, 
cannot be followed into detail with any materials at 
present available. Medical science may have been 
improved. One might expect that religion would 
have been affected. The dogma of the divinity of 
the Pharaoh might be regarded as likely to emphasize 
and encourage claims of the Babylonian kings for like 
honors not unknown in the past (sect. 75) ; yet not 
only is no evidence presented for this, but it is even 
maintained that the Kassite kings definitely set aside 
the remnants of the Babylonian usage in the case, and 
regarded themselves as delegates and representatives 


of the gods of whom they were the adopted sons 
(Sayce, BA, p. 171). In the sphere of trade and 
commerce the influence of Egypt was unmistakable 
and far reaching. No doubt, at the beginning of the 
advance of Egypt into Asia and throughout her dom- 
ination of Syria, Babylonian commerce with the west 
suffered, and was at times entirely cut off. But the 
traders on the Euphrates directed their energies only 
the more toward opening and developing new markets 
in the north and east. According to testimony drawn 
from the " finds " at Nippur, they brought gypsum 
from Mesopotamia, marble and limestone from the 
Persian mountains, cedar and cypress from the Za- 
gros, lapis lazuli from Bactria, and cobalt for coloring 
material, " presumably " from China (Peters, Nippur, 
II. p. 134). It is not impossible that the eastern 
affinities of the Kassite kings assisted the develop- 
ment of trade in this direction. On the other hand, 
when with some possible restrictions commerce was 
revived with the Egyptian provinces of Syria under 
royal agreements, the unification of these regions 
under one authority gave at that time, as often 
later, a substantial stimulus to trade both in its se- 
curity and its extent. This fact is proved by the 
striking discovery at Nippur of votive offerings of 
magnesite, which must have been brought for the 
Kassite kings from the island of Euboea (Nippur, 
ibid.'). Egypt itself had, in its Nubian mines, the 
pre-eminent source of gold for the oriental world, 
and the letters of the eastern kings to their breth- 
ren the Pharaohs are full of requests for gifts of 
more of the precious metal and of better quality, 
for which they send in return lapis lazuli, enamel, 


horses and chariots, slaves, costly furniture, and 
works of art. 

128. From the facts already stated it is clear that 
Karduniash flourished under its Kassite rulers. In- 
dustry was active. Manufacturing was represented 
not only by the objects already enumerated as gifts 
to the Pharaohs, but by a multitude of materials 
found at Nippur and mentioned in the royal in- 
scriptions. Among the former were the ornamental 
axe-heads. These analysis has disclosed to be made 
of glass colored with cobalt and copper and resembhng 
in character " the famous Venetian glass of the four- 
teenth century A. D.," moulded probably by Phoenician 
artists employed at the temple (Nippur, II. p. 134) 
Agumkakrime's description of his rehabilitation of 
the deities Marduk and Zarpanit of Babylon gives 
a picture of the superabounding wealth of the king, 
who clothes the images of the deities with gold- 
embroidered robes, heavy with jewels, and houses them 
in a cella of cedar and cypress woods made by cun- 
ning workmen, its doors banded with bronze, and 
its walls lined with strange carved animal figures. 
Unfortunately, no large sculptures of these kings 
have yet been discovered, nor do the remains of the 
Nippur temple ascribed to them afford any judgment 
as to the architecture of the time. The so-called 
boundary stones of Milishikhu and Mardukbaliddin I., 
carved with rude representations of animals and of the 
heavenly bodies, symbols of uncertain significance, 
were probably the work of provincial artists (Smith, 
AD, pp. 236 ff.). It is strange that these stones are 
the chief evidence for the legal element in the life of 
the time. The inscription on that of Mardukbaliddin 


I. conveys a tract of land to one of his officials as a 
reward. The boundaries of the tract are carefully 
stated, the ancestry of the beneficiary is traced to the 
fifth generation, witnesses are named, and curses are 
invoked upon all who in the future may interfere 
with this award. Excavations yet to be made on 
temple sites like that of Nippur will probably reveal 
in sufficient abundance the deeds, contracts, and 
other documents which were indispensable in so 
active and enterprising a commercial and industrial 
community as was Babylonia in those days. A 
similar silence broods over the literature. Beyond 
the few royal inscriptions and letters already suffi- 
ciently described, no evidence exists to show either 
that the masterpieces of old were studied or that 
new works were being produced. This gap in our 
knowledge will also sometime be filled. 

129. If the successful seizure of the Babylonian 
throne by the Kassites had given a mighty impetus to 
the development of Assyria as an independent kingdom 
(sect. 112), their continued possession of Babylonia 
affected deeply the history of the northern people. 
The Assyrians were not thereby alienated from the 
civilization of the south, for this had already been 
wrought too deeply into the structure of their body 
politic. It is maintained, indeed, that tlie Assyrian 
cuneiform script of the time tends to resemble the 
north Mesopotamian forms rather than the Babylonian 
(Winckler, GBA, p. 165); but in all that may be 
regarded as fundamental in a people's culture Assyria 
remained in Babylonian leading-strings. The sur- 
prising thing is that, as time wore on, the hostility 
between the Kassite and Assyrian rulers did not re- 


lax, nor did it yield even when all interests were in 
favor of peace. The facts seem to show that the 
primary part in this aggressive activity was taken by 
Assyria. In other words, it became the settled policy 
of the northern state to strive for the possession of 
Babylonia, even when the actual Kassite element had 
long been absorbed into the Semitic Babylonian. 
The mere lust of conquest will not explain this 
persistence. It must have its ground in the political 
or economic conditions of the state. The original 
Assyria (sect. Ill) had neither a natural frontier 
nor sufficient arable land to protect and sustain a 
nation. Hence the people, if they were not constantly 
to stand on guard, must expand until a natural bar- 
rier was met; they must also reach out to control 
the only other source of wealth in the ancient world, 
commerce. In the wa}^ of the attainment of both 
these objects stood, primarily, Babylonia. The Baby- 
lonian war was, therefore, a vital condition of As- 
syria's progress. Other motives may have entered in, 
the feeling that the south was the home-land, the 
seat of religion and culture, and therefore must be 
recovered. Nor is it unlikely that there was in 
Babylonia itself a longing for union with Assyria, 
and consequently a pro-Assyrian party, always ready 
to encourage interference from the north. Yet the 
deeper motive is that first mentioned. 

130. The fateful influence of this course into 
which Assyria was drawn was to intensify a military 
bent already sufficiently encouraged by physical 
surroundings. The king became the warrior, the 
defender of his people from wild beasts and from 
human enemies, the leader of an army. " He breaks 


in pieces the mass of his foes, he tramples down their 
countries," " he scatters their armies " are phrases 
of Adadnirari I. in his own inscription. The gods 
were those representing the fierce, wild elements of 
nature, as Adad (Ramman), the god of the storm, the 
wind, and the rain, or Ishtar, the goddess of Arbela, 
the fierce companion in arms of the warriors, or the 
other Ishtar, of Nineveh, the mistress of the soldier 
returned from the wars, the goddess of love and lust. 
Above them stood Ashur, the divine king of the 
military state, of whom the human king was the 
representative and servant, -^ the god, who went out 
with the army to battle and received the spoils. 
The nation, thus affected and inspired, gathered close 
about its divine head, and followed the king his vice- 
gerent with unquestioning obedience. The city where 
he had his seat, whether Assur or Kalkhi or Nineveh, 
became the headquarters of all activity. All other 
cities, Arbela excepted, were overshadowed and left to 
drag out a petty and insignificant existence, their 
names hardly known* Here the court with its aris- 
tocracy of warriors, chiefs with their clansmen, formed 
the centre of national life. The king usually gave his 
name to the first full year of his kingship > it was the 
limu of the king by which all events were recorded ; 
then followed, given as official designation to year 
after year, the names of the warriors of the court in 
due succession^ As king succeeded king, the limu 
lists were preserved, formed a chronological frame- 
work for history (sect. 38), and fostered the self- 
consciousness of the state as a living organism, 
having a past wrought out by men of might, and 
moving on toward the future. This system had 


already been adopted by the time of Adadnirari I., 
whose stele was set up in the year when Shalmanu- 
asharid (Shalmaneser) was limu. It was Assyria's 
original contribution to historical progress, and passed 
over from the east to reappear in Athens, where a 
similar official was called the archon eponymos. 

131. In this military state all spheres of life felt the 
impulse to realize practical results. Religion was at 
the service of the kings. They were devoted to the 
gods, indeed, since they were proud constantly to build 
temples. Ashuruballit and his descendant Shalma- 
neser I. repaired and enlarged a temple to Ishtar of 
Nineveh, and Adadnirari I., another to Ashur at the 
capital. They were equally proud of erecting palaces. 
The Adadnirari stele deals more fully with the warlike 
achievements of the king and his ancestors than with 
his religious foundation. The remains of literature 
and art and the evidences of industry and manufac- 
turing in this age are too scanty to warrant any judg- 
ment, the few royal inscriptions, some alabaster jars, 
and a bronze sword of Adadnirari I. (Maspero, SN, 
p. 607), chariots and horses, lapis lazuli, slaves, and 
precious vases mentioned as gifts sent to the Egyp- 
tian kings (Winckler, TAL, 15) being about all the 
available material, enough perhaps to indicate that 
Assyrian scribes and merchants were following in the 
footsteps of their brethren on the Euphrates. Phoe- 
nician artists may have wrought in this period the 
ivory carvings which were found on the site of Kalkhi, 
the capital of Shalmaneser 1. (BMG, p. 23). While 
it is certain from documents of later periods that the 
same legal forms were employed in business transac- 
tions as were in use in Babylonia, no tablets of that 


character belonging to this time, with possibly one 
exception, have been found. 

132. If the power of an ancient civilization to dom- 
inate a rude people was impressively exhibited in the 
victory of Babylonian culture over the Kassites (sect. 
123), not less significant was the spectacle of the 
renaissance of that culture as the Kassite domination 
began to wane. Contemporaneous with the splitting 
off of Assyria and its incessant inroads upon Karduni- 
ash was the advance of Egypt into Syria and its 
appearance upon the Euphrates^ The reign of the 
Semite in Western Asia and the long era of Babylo- 
nian leadership in civilization seemed about to come 
to an end. But so deeply rooted and so vigorous was 
this culture, even in Syria, that the Egyptian con- 
querors were compelled to use the Babylonian speech 
in their diplomatic correspondence with the princes 
and governor^ of the provinces and to teach it to 
their officials in the Egyptian capital. And when the 
authority of the Pharaohs decayed and their armies 
disappeared from Syria, the new kingdom on the 
Tigris came forward and girded itself for the task 
of unifying under its own leadership the Semitic 
peoples of Western Asia, and of making that same 
Babylonian culture prevail from the Persian gulf to 
the Mediterranean* 


1100 B. C. 

133. The splendid_extension of Assyrian authority 
to the northwest, achieved by Shalmaneser I. and his 
successors (sect. 120), had not been lasting. The 
incursion and settlement of the Khatti in Syria 
proved to be merely the beginning of a series of simi- 
lar migrations from the north and northwest into the 
regions of Western Asia. Half a century before his 
own time, according to the testimony of Tiglath- 
pileser I. of Assyria, the Mushki had advanced over 
the boundaries of Assyria's conquests along the head- 
waters of the Euphrates, had conquered the Alzi 
and the Purukuzzi, her tributary peoples, and were 
sifting into the nearer region of Qummukh. The 
bulk of the invading peoples, indeed, poured down 
into Syria, and broke in pieces the loose confederation 
of the Khatti, but the latter in turn were thereby 
pushed eastward to hamper Assyrian progress. The 
effect of this reverse may be observed in the revival 
of Babylonia under the later Kassite kings (sect. 122). 
It was, probably, late in his long reign that Ashurdan 
I. of Assyria was able to make headway against his 
southern rivals, and inflict on the next to the last 
Kassite ruler a defeat which three years after seems 
to have cost this foreign dynasty its supremacy over 
Babylonia. Ashurdan died soon after, and was fol- 


lowed by his son Mutakkil-nusku, of whom little is 
known ; presumably he reigned but a few years (about 
1135 B. c). 

134. The dynasty which wrested the Babylonian 
throne from the Kassites was, as the names of its 
kings indicate, of native origin, and is called in the 
kings' list " the dynasty of Pashe." Unfortunately, 
that important document is imperfectly preserved at 
this pointj and seven names out of the whole number 
of eleven are quite illegible. By a strange chance the 
names of those kings who from other documents are 
known to belong to this dynasty, are among those 
missing from the kings' list, and it is therefore im- 
possible to determine accurately their chronological 
order and the length of their reigns. Of these the 
greatest was Nebuchadrezzar I. A highly probable 
argument has been made by Hilprecht (OBT, I. i, 
pp. 41 ff.) to prove that he was the founder of the 
dynasty and its first king (about 1140-1123 B. c), but 
paleographic grounds render it inconclusive, though 
not impossible. He was followed in turn by Bel- 
nadin-aplu (about 1122-1117 B. c), and Marduk- 
nadin-akhi (about 1116-1105). The dynasty held the 
throne over one hundred and thirty-two years to about 
1010 B.C. 

135. The name Nebuchadrezzar, meaning " May the 
god Nabu protect the boundary," is significant of 
the work of this energetic Babylonian ruler. Baby- 
lonia had been the tramping-ground of the nations. 
For centuries foreigners had ruled in the land and 
had warred with the Assyrians for its possession. 
In the last Kassite years the Elamites had renewed 
their im'oads from the east, penetrating to the very 


heart of the land. The province of Namar, famous 
for its horses, was already occupied by them. This 
deep humiliation, coupled with the Assyrian success, 
drove the Kassite from his ascendency and opened the 
way for more successful defenders of the ancient state. 
Nebuchadrezzar undertook the task. He found the 
Elamites already at Der. In spite of the scorching 
heat of midsummer he pushed on, driving them before 
him. Across the Tigris, on the banks of the Ula, the 
final stand was made by the Elamite army, but, in the 
fierce battle that ensued, the king, in the words of his 
own inscription (ABL, p. 8), ''remained the victor" 
and ^^overth rew th e^oimtry^Qf the king of Elam . . . 
carrying away its possessions." Other expeditions to 
the northeast into the old Kassite land and beyond it 
to the highlands of the Lullumi, were intended to give 
warning to future marauders from that region. A 
governor of the district was stationed at the fortress 
of Holwan. 

136. Among the first tasks confronting such a ruler 
was the rewarding of his followers, a work which 
at the same time meant the restoration of the Semitic- 
Babylonian element to its former social and political 
supremacy. An interesting example of his procedure 
in this respect is found in a document of the king, the 
most considerable inscription which has been preserved 
from his reign, containing a deed of gift. Ritti Mar- 
duk, of the house of Karziyabkhu, in the province of 
Namar, which had fallen into the hands of the Elam- 
ites, had valiantly supported his lord in the trying 
Elamite campaign. Indeed, he seems to have per- 
formed a signal personal service to Nebuchadrezzar 
when hard pressed by the enemy. On the return of 

158 Babylonia akd assybia 

the army the king issued a proclamation, giving back 
to the prince and sealing for all time former privi- 
leges by which Karziyabkhu was made a free domain, 
over which the royal officials were not to exercise 
authority, upon which they w^ere not to levy taxes, 
from which no requisitions for state purposes of any 
sort were to be made. Of the wisdom of establishing 
such feudal domains in the kingdom there may be 
some question. It was a return to the older system 
of land tenure which, by weakening the force of royal 
authority, had made defence against invaders difficult. 
But, for the present at least, restoration was the order 
of the day, and Nebuchadrezzar proudly styles himself 
*' the sun of his country, who makes his people to 
prosper, who preserves boundaries and establishes 
landmarks (?), the just king, who pronounces right- 
eous judgment." According to another similar docu- 
ment, he rescued in his campaign a statue of the 
god Bel, which the Elamites may have taken from 
Babylon. He seized the opportunity on this occasion 
to re-establish, by " taking the hands of Bel," his own 
right to the Babylonian throne, and proceeded to re- 
new in a yet more striking and magnificent way the 
ancient glories of his kingdom. 

137. Centuries had passed since any Babylonian 
ruler either had set up the ancestral claim to posses- 
sion of the " West-land," or had done anything to 
make that claim good. The Kassite kings had found 
Egypt in possession of the field, and Assyria was, 
from time to time, pushing forward to cut off the 
road by occupying the upper waters of the Euphrates. 
But Nebuchadrezzar, in the spirit of a glorious past 
which he felt that he represented, not oiily called 


himself " conqueror of the West-land," but seems 
actually to have reached the Mediterranean and left 
his name upon the cliffs of the Nahr-el-Kelb. 

138. Such an expedition was certain to bring him 
into contact with Assyria, and, indeed, was possible 
only by reason of Assyrian weakness. His activities 
in the northeast were equally offensive to the rival 
state. It is no wonder, therefore, that the Syn- 
chronistic History records a clash between the two 
kingdoms. Neither the time nor the details of the 
campaigns can be satisfactorily determined. It may 
be presmned that they took place toward the close 
of the king's reign (about 1125 B. c). A new ruler, 
Ashur-rish-ishi, was king in Assyria and eager to try 
conclusions with the Babylonian veteran. He in- 
vaded the south, but was driven back and -followed 
by Nebuchadrezzar, who laid siege to a border for- 
tress. The Assyrian king succeeded in beating him 
off and destroying his siege-train. In a later expe- 
dition which the Babylonian sent against Assyria, 
another and more serious repulse was suffered ; the 
Babylonian general Karastu was taken prisoner and 
forty chariots captured. Nebuchadrezzar, near the end 
of his career, made no further attempt to avenge this 
disgrace, but left the renewal of the contest to his 
successors (Syn. Hist., col. II.). Belnadinaplu (sect. 
134), indeed, seems to have taken no steps in this 
direction, nor did the Assyrian king pursue his ad- 
vantage, unless his campaigns in the east and south- 
east against the highland tribes, Ahlami, Guti, and 
LuUumi, are to be regarded as an intrusion into 
territory already claimed as the conquest of Nebu- 
chadrezzar (sect. 135). Evidently neither party was 


anxious to come to blows. Babylonia needed yet a 
longer period of recuperation from the exhausting 
struggles for deliverance from Kassite and Elamite, 
while the Assyrian had his task^ awaiting him in 
the restoration of Assyrian power in the north and 

139. The king who was to achieve this task for 
Assyria and to add a brilliant page to her annals of 
victory was already in the field. For at least three 
generations the Assyrian crown had passed from 
father to son, when Tiglathpileser I., the fourth of 
the line, in the flower of his youth, mounted the 
throne (about 1110 B.C.). 

140. To understand the significance of the career 
of this great king, so fully detailed in his own 
inscription, a glance must be given at what_had come 
to be the traditional political policy of Assyria. 
Linked to Babylonia by ties of blood and culture, the 
state was constantly drawn into complications with 
the mother-land. The vicissitudes of these relations 
have been traced in preceding chapters. But, apart 
from this fundamental influence, was the problem, 
presented to each state, of the relation to the larger 
environment. For Babylonia, this problem had 
already been solved. Her central position on the 
Euphrates the connecting link between east and 
west indicated that her sphere of influence reached 
out through western Mesopotamia to Syria and the 
Mediterranean coast-lands. This predominance, real- 
ized long before Assyria was born, had been main- 
tained, with frequent lapses, indeed, and long 
intervals of inactivity, down to the days of Nebuchad- 
rezzar I. From Babylon to Haran and from Haran to 


the sea stretched the recognized highroad as well of 
Babylonia's merchants as of her armies. Assyria, 
newly arrived upon the scene, and once secure of her 
position as an independent power by the side of her 
more ancient rival, found the outlook for progress 
leading to the more rugged pathways of the high- 
lands to the north and northwest. To this field her 
position in the upper corner of the Mesopotamian 
plain invited her. The Tigris had broken through 
the mountains and opened up the road thither. And 
when the Assyrian merchant, moving westward in 
the shadow of the mountain wall which formed the 
northern boundary of the plain, was halted at the 
Euphrates by Babylonian authority, he turned north- 
ward into the highlands through which the upper 
Euphrates poured, and thus brought to light wider re- 
gions for the extension of Assyrian commerce. In all 
this mountain-land the soldier had followed hard upon 
the heels of the trader, so that for more than three 
centuries the campaigns of kings like Ashuruballit, 
Adadnirari, and Shalmaneser had built up the tradi- 
tion that Assyria's sphere of influence was this north- 
ern highland. Though in after years, when Babylonia 
had yielded her supremacy of the west-land, the As- 
syrian kings devoted themselves to conquest in the 
richer lands of Syria, they never forgot the field of 
their earlier campaigns ; they kept open the trade 
routes, and held in check the restless peoples of this 
rugged region. 

141. This region, in classical times known as 
Armenia, containing in its fullest extent sixty thou- 
sand square miles, is an irregular rectangle, its 
greatest length five hundred miles, its width two 



hundred and fifty miles. vA vast plateau, lifted sotne 
seven thousand feet above sea-level, it is girt about 
and traversed by mountain ranges. \ On its northern 
boundary lies the Caucasus ; along the southern 
border, overlooking the Mesopotamian valle}^, runs 
Mt. Masius, called by the Assyrians Kashiari. Be- 
tween these mountain boundaries two chains (the Ar- 
menian Taurus and the Anti-Taurus) cross this lofty 
region from west to east at about equal distances from 
one another. At its eastern border the mountains 
turn sharply to the southeast, and the country becomes 
a trackless tangle of peaks and ravines. Toward the 
northwest the plain runs out onto the plateau of Asia 
Minor, or drops to the Black Sea. To the southwest 
the Taurus throws out the ranges that pierce Arme- 
nia, and then itself turns off to the south in the 
Amanus range which forms the backbone of Syria. 
In this disintegration of the Taurus the entire surface 
of the land, like its eastern counterpart, is tossed 
about in a shapeless confusion of high and well-nigh 
impassable summits. Within Armenia, between the 
long ranges, lie fair and smiling plains. Between 
Kashiari and the Armenian Taurus the springs of the 
Tigris gather to form that mighty stream which 
breaks through the former range on the east and 
pours doAvn to the sea. Behind the Armenian Tau- 
rus are the sources of the Euphrates which flows at 
first parallel to the Tigris, but in the opposite direc- 
tion, until, turning to the southward, it tears its way 
throucfh the knot of mountains in southwestern 
Armenia by innumerable windings, and debouches on 
the plain, at first to fall swiftly, then to spread out 
more widely on its way to the Persian gulf. The 


land, threaded by the head-waters of these rivers, is 
wild and romantic, with deep glens, lofty peaks, and 
barren passes. In the midst of it lies the broad, 
blue salt lake of Van, eighty miles long. The moun- 
tains are thickly wooded, the valleys are genial. 
Mineral wealth in silver, copper, and iron abounds. 
Inexhaustible pasturage is found for flocks and herds. 
All the fruits of the temperate zone grow in the 
valleys, and harvests of grain are reaped in the plains. 
The winters are cold and invigorating. It is a 
country of rare picturesqueness, capable of support- 
ing a large population. The people, vigorous and 
hardy, till the soil of the plains, or lead flocks and 
herds over the hillsides. The tribal organization pre- 
vails. Villages nestle at the base of hills surmounted 
by rude fortresses. The larger towns, situated on 
the main roads which lead from Asia Minor to Meso- 
potamia, are centres of trade in raw materials, wool, 
goat's hair, and grain, or in the rude vessels of copper 
and silver, the spoil of the mines, or in the coarse 
cloths of the native weaver. The larger plains afford 
to the tribes opportunities for closer organization, un- 
der chiefs mustering no inconsiderable number of war- 
riors. Border forays and the hunting of wild beasts 
vary the monotony of agricultural and pastoral exist- 
ence. At times, under pressure of invasion, the 
tribes unite to defend their valleys, but fall apart 
again when the danger is past. A free, healthy, and 
abundant, if rude, life is lived under the open sky. 

142. To secure control over the_, borders of this 
upland, then, Assyrian kings had girded themselves 
in preceding centuries. But the foothold attained by 
them on the upper waters of the Euphrates had been, 



as has been indicated (sect. 133), all buLlnsL before 
Tiglathpileser became king. Scarcely had he taken 
his seat, when a new disaster was aAnounced from 
the land of the Qummukhi. This people occupied 
the extensive valley between the Armenian Taurus 
and the Kashiari range at the sources of the Tigris, 
to the east of the gorge by which the Euphrates 
breaks through the former range to seek the JNIeso- 
potamian plain. Tribes from the northwest, known 
collectively as the Mushki, not content with over- 
powering the Alzi and Purukuzzi (sect. 133), 
suddenly hurled themselves under their five kings 
with twenty thousand warriors upon the Qummukhi. 
Tiglathpileser hurried, with an army, from Assur to 
the scene, more than three hundred miles away. His 
route led him up the Tigris, half-way across the 
upper Mesopotamian plain, then northward over 
the range of Kashiari, to a point where he could 
overlook the valley at its centre, not far from the 
ancient town of Amid, the modern Diyarbekr. 
Froin^here he descended with chariots and infantry 
upon the invaders below and crushed t hem in one 
tremendous onslaught. Surprised and ove rwhelm ed, 
fourteen thousand were cut down, and the remaimeT" 
captured and transported to Assur. The Qummukhi, 
restless and rebellious, were subdued with fire and 
sword ; one of tlieir clans tliat fled into the eastern 
mountains the king followed across the Tigris, and, 
though they were aided by the Kirkhi (Kurti), a neigh- 
boring people in the eastern plateau, he defeated them 
and c aptured their stronghold. Returning, he marched 
against the capital of another of their clans farther 
to th^ north. They fled at his approach ; their chief 


submitted without fighting and was spared. The 
king closed the campaign by taking a detachment of 
infantry and thirty chariots for a dash over the 
northern mountains into the " haughty and unsub- 
missive country of Mildish," which was likewise 
reduced to subjection. Upon all the peoples he laid 
the obligation of regular tribute and, laden with 
booty, returned to Assyrian. By one vigorous advance_ 
he had not only removed the danger from the invad- 
ing peoples, but had re-established Assyrian authority 
over one of the largest and most important of these 
mountain valleys, that one which formed the en- 
trance into the Mesopotamian plain. 

143. Xhe second _campaigna^ iindertaken in the first 
full year of his reign, the year of his accession 
counting as only " the beginning," was directed 
chiefly against the still rebellious Qummukhi, who 
were made again to feel the weight of Assyrian dis- 
pleasure. On their western border were settled the 
Shumashti (Shubarti), whose cities had been invaded 
by a body of tribes of the Khatti, four thousand 
strong in infantry and chariots. These invaders 
submitted on the king's advance and were transported 
to Assyria. Two minor events of the year were 
the re-establishment of authority over the Alzi and 
Purukuzzi, and the subjugation of the Shubari, an 
eastern hill-tribe. 

144. In the narrative of the first year's exploits 
occurs a phrase which suggests that the plan sub- 
sequently followed by the king was already conceived. 
Not only had Ashur, the nation's god, bidden him 
subdue rebellious vassals, but, to use the king's own 
words, " now he commanded me to extend the bouii- 


daries of my country." It had become clear that, to 
hold the peoples of these northern valleys to their 
allegiance, a systematic extension of Assyrian territory 
there must be undertaken. The task was formidable, 
leading Tiglathpileser I. into far districts hitherto un- 
heard of by Assyrian kings, and requiring a display 
of energy and resource that his predecessors had not 
approached. Three well-conceived campaigns are re- 
corded. In the first that of his second regnal year 
-^ythe tribes to the east of Qummukhi and the sources 
of the Tigris, between Kashiari and the Armenian 
Taurus, were subdued. In the second that of his 
third regnal year-^S^lie king climbed the Taurus and 
descended upon the sources of the Euphrates. Here 
were the tribes known to the Assyrians as the Nairi, 
living to the west of Lake Van. The army pushed 
steadily westward through the mountains, fighting as 
it advanced, crossed the Euphrates, marched along its 
right bank, and reached the city of Milid, the western 
end of the main road from Asia Minor, later called 
the "Royal Road," and the chief city of a district 
separated from the Qummukhi only by the lofty 
Taurus mountains. There remained onlji^hepeoples 
to the far west, and against these, after tlie* interval of 
a year, the king proceeded in his fifth regnal year. In 
this region, between Qummukhi and the gulf of Issus, 
lived the Mujjjv whom Shalmaneser I. had alrccidy 
encountered (sect. 120). In these mountain valleys 
had flourished, centuries before, one of the main 
branches of the wide kingdom of the Khatti, and 
from thence this warlike people had descended upon 
the Syrian plain. Here Tiglathpileser found great 
fortresses, with walls and towers, blocking his ad- 


vance. His reduction of the Mu^ri stirred up their 
neighbors and allies to the northwest, the Qumani, 
and sent him still farther away into the endless 
confusion of rugged mountain ranges to accomplish 
their overthrow. One fierce battle with an army of 
twenty thousand warriors drove the defenders back 
upon Khunusa, their triple-walled fortress, which was 
stormed by the king with great slaughter and de- 
molished. The way now lay open to their capital, 
which surrendered on his approach. Thereupon he 
accepted the submission of the tribes and laid the 
ustial tribute upon them. The first stage of his 
stupendous task was now pxactically completed. 
The Assyrian border in this vast mountain region 
stretched in a huge arc from the upper Tigris and 
Lake Van around the head-waters of the Euphrates 
to the northeastern corner of the Mediterranean. 
Indeed it extended even farther, for, to use his own 
proud words : 

I conquered in all, from the beginning of my reign to 
my fifth regnal year, forty-two countries and their 
princes, from the left bank of the lower Zab and the 
border of distant forest-clad mountains as far as the 
right bank of the Euphrates, the land of the Khatti, 
and the Upper Sea of the setting sun (Prism Inscription, 
col. vi. 39-45). 

145. During the strenuous years of these campaigns 
the king had found occasion to make at least two^ 
expeditions in other directions. The overthrow of 
the Shubari in the eastern hills took place in his first 
regnal year. In the fourth, he made a raid upon the 
Bedouin, who were crossing the Euphrates into 


western Mesopotamia, apparently for the purpose of 
settling in the upper plain. They were the advanqg^ 
guard of the Arameans. Crossing the plain due 
west from Assur, Tiglathpileser drove them before 
him along the river from the Khabur to the city of 
Karkhemish, followed them across into the desert, 
burned their villages, and carried off their goods and 
cattle to his capital. Necessary as such a campaign 
was for Assyria's protection, it had entered territory 
under Babylonian influence, and could hardly have 
failed to stir up the Babylonian ruler to action against 
Assyria. Marduknadinakhi (sect. 134) was a vigor- 
ous ruler, and he seems to have responded by an 
invasion of Assyrian territory in the tenth year of 
his reign, in which may have occurred the capture 
of the city of Ekallati, and the removal of its gods 
to Babylon, an event to which a later Assyrian king, 
Sennacherib, refers. In the hostilities which inevi- 
tably ensued and continued for two years, possibly 
the seventh and eighth regnal years of Tiglathpileser, 
the Babylonian was severely beaten. In the first 
campaign Marduknadinakhi had advanced beyond 
the lower Zab into Assyrian territory, when he was 
driven back. In the second, the Assyrian king took 
the offensive and swept all before him. The decisive 
defeat was administered in northern Babylonia. 
Tiglathpileser captured, one after another, thechief 
northern cities, Upi, Dur Kurigalzu, Sippar, and 
Babylon, and then marclied up the Euphrates to the , 
Khabur, thereby bringing the river from Babylon 
to Karkhemish under Assyrian control. Satisfied^ 
with this assertion of his superiority, and the control 
pf the chief trade routes, he did not attempt to usurp 


the Babyloiiian throne, but left Marduknadinakhi to 
resume his discredited authority. 

146. A few more campaigns of the great Assyrian 
are recorded. An expedition against Elam may 
belong to his ninth year. Other visits to the lands 
of the Nairi are mentioned, in the last of which he 
set up, at the mouth of a grotto whence flows one of 
the sources of the Tigris, a stone slab upon which 
a full-length effigy of the conqueror is sculptured, 
with a proclamation of his victories over these north- 
ern peoples. It would not be surprising if he reigned 
little more than ten years. The numerous and fa- 
tiguing campaigns in which he led his troops, some- 
times in his chariot, oftener on foot, over rugged 
mountains, amidst incessant fighting, must early have 
exhausted even his iron endurance. In the intervals 
of warfare he hunted with indefatigable zeal. lists 
of lions slain by the king when on foot or from the 
chariot, of wild oxen and elephants, the trophies of his 
lance and bow, appear in his annals, and reveal another 
side of his activity. Not by himself, but by later 
kings, is another expedition referred to, which if, as 
it seems, properly assigned to liim, rounds out his 
career. On the broken obelisk of Ashurna^irpal III. 
are some lines which describe achievements parallel 
to his, though the rulers name has not been pre- 
served. Of this unknown it is further said that he 
sailed in ships of Arvad, a city of Phoenicia, killed 
a nakJdru (sea monster of some sort) in the great sea, 
captured wild cattle at the foot of Lebanon, and was 
presented by the king of Egypt with a, pagutu (hippo- 
potamus?) and a crocodile. Shalmaneser II. speaks 
of the cities of Ashurutiragbat and Mutkinu, lying 


over against one another on either side of the Eu- 
phrates, as once captured by Tigkthpileser. These 
statements imply that, in the years after his Babylo- 
nian victory, he completed his western conquests by 
a campaign in Syria that carried him to the Mediter- 
ranean and to the Lebanons. The fame of this ex- 
ploit extorted a tribute of respect from an Egyptian^ 

147. Enough has been said to show that the king's 
military activity was no purposeless series of plunder- 
ing raids. His campaigns are linked together in a 
well-ordered system. The first item of his policy is 
stated in his plain but significant assertion, " The feet 
of the enemy I kept from my country." Even more 
important is his second boast, " One word united I 
caused them to speak." Once conquered, the peoples 
were organized under Assyrian rule. Of the details in 
the realization of this plan he himself has recorded 
little beyond the establishment of a regular tax and the 
requirement of hostages. The deportation of captured 
tribes is not uncommon. The conquered peoples 
swear solemn oaths of allegiance by the Assyrian 
gods. Rebels are treated with ruthless cruel ty, for 
they have sinned against gods and men. Peoples who 
resist attack are exposed to slaughter and the plunder- 
ing of their goods. Tribes that submit are spared, 
their property respected, their chiefs restored to 
power under Assyrian supremacy. These principles, 
acted upon by Tiglathpileser, formed a body of pre- 
cedents for future rulers. 

148. At first thought, it seems unlikely that so 
easrer a warrior would be solicitous for the economic 
welfare of his country. He was statesman, however, 


as well as conqueror. From the conquered lands he 
brought back flocks and herds; he sought out use- 
ful and valuable trees for transplanting into Assyrian 
forests, oaks, cedars, and fruit trees of a kind unknown 
to Assyrian orchards. He rebuilt the crumbling walls 
of cities ; repaired the storehouses and granaries and 
heaped them high with grain. Royal palaces in his 
various provincial cities were restored, forming cita- 
dels for defence. Most splendid of all were the 
temples which he built and adorned with inimitable 
splendor. Of the restored temple of Anu and Adad 
he says : 

I built it from foundation to roof larger and grander 
than before, and erected also two great temple towers, 
fitting ornaments of their great divinities. The splendid 
temple, a brilliant and magnificent dwelling, the habita- 
tion of their joys, the house for their delight, shining as 
bright as the stars on heaven's firmament and richly 
decorated with ornaments through the skill of my artists, 
I planned, devised, and thought out, built, and completed. 
I made its interior brilliant like the dome of the heavens; 
decorated its walls like the splendor of the rising stars, 
and made it grand with resplendent bnlliancy. I reared 
its temple powers to heaven, and completed its roof with 
burned brick ; located therein the upper terrace contain- 
ing the chamber of their great divinities ; and led into the 
interior Anu and Adad, the great gods, and made them to 
dwell in their lofty house, thus gladdening the heart of 
their great divinities (Prism Ins., col. vii. 85-114, trans, 
in ABL, pp. 25 f.). 

149. The height of Assyria's attainment in the arts 
of life may be inferred from a passage like the fore- 
going, which is characteristic of the inscription as a 


whole, written as it is in a vigorous, flowing, and some- 
wliat rhetorical style, significant of no little literary 
culture. The ruler who could achieve such things and 
find expression for them in so lofty a fashion was far 
from being a mere ruthless general, and his state much 
more than a mere military establishment. Justly could 
he declare that he had " enhanced the welfare of his 
^nation," and made his people " hve and dwell in_ 
peaceful homes." Well might he pray, to use his 
own words, that the gods 

may turn to me truly and faithfully, accept graciously 
the lifting up of my hands, hearken unto my devout 
prayers, grant unto me and my kingdom abundance of 
rain, years of prosperity and fruitfulness in plenty (Prism, 
Ins., col. viii. 24-29, trans, in ABL, p. 26). 

150. Tiglathpileser was followed on the throne by 
his son Ashur-bel-kala, and he by his brother Shamshi 
Adad. The two reigns seem to have been peaceful 
and prosperous. The former king appears to have con- 
tinued to rule over the wide domains of his father and, 
in addition, to have come to terms with Babylonia. 
There Marduk-sapik-zerim followed Marduknadi- 
nakhi, and entered into an alliance with his Assyr- 
ian neighbor. When a rebellion drove the Babylonian 
from his throne, the successful usurper, *' son of no- 
body," Adad-aplu-iddin, was recognized by^the son of 
Tiglathpileser, who took his daughter into the harem 
on payment of a princely dowry by her father. It 
has been inferred, from the finding of a statue in 
Nineveh hailing from the king's palace, that Ashui- 
belkala removed the capital from Assur to Nineveh. 
Such a change is quite possible, since it would place 


him nearer the centre of his realm. His brother, who 
was perhaps his successor, is known to have built on 
the temple of Ishtar in the latter city. The name 
of the son of Shamshi Adad, Ashurnagirpal II., has 
been preserved, but though his striking prayer to 
Ishtar is in our hands (BMG, p. 68), a record of his 
deeds has not come down to posterity. The Assyrian 
kingdom goes out in darkness. The first chapter of 
her imperial history is finished (about 1050 B. c). 

-^S:^^.....^^ T)-^-^ i 7 ^ - I > "7 '^ 




151. About the year 1000 b. c. a strange and 
well-nigh unaccountable state of things confronts the 
student of the empires of the Mesopotamian valley. 
For a scene of vigorous activity is substituted a 
monotonous vacancy. Aggressive expansion yields 
to inertness. In place of the regal personalities 
whose words proclaim their achievements in sonorous 
detail, appear mere names, scattered here and there 
over the wider spaces of the years, that tell nothing 
of import or interest concerning the progress of the 
states over which these phantom rulers held feeble 
sway. The sources of knowledge have slowly dried 
up or have been cut off by the accidents to which 
historical memorials are always subject. Here and 
there a brick inscribed with a king's name, or an 
occasional reference in later inscriptions to some other- 
wise unknown rulers of the time, is all that remains 
of Assyrian material. The Babylonian kings' lists 
and chronicles are confused or discordant, and at a 
critical point, where they are practically the only 
source, are quite broken away, leaving the whole 
chronological structure hanging in the air. Such 
facts carry their own important lesson. They speak 
of decay or downfall, and invite inquiry into its 



152. The information directly gleaned from these 
scanty memorials may be briefly stated. Three 
Assyrian rulers are known to belong somewhere 
within the period. Ashurkirbi (?) is said by Shal- 
maneser II., who ruled Assyria two centuries later, 
to have left a memorial of himself at the Mediterra- 
nean, presumably in token of a western expedition, 
and also to have lost to the Arameans the two cities 
on opposite sides of the Euphrates, captured and prob- 
ably fortified by Tiglathpileser I. to guard Assyrian 
ascendancy at that point (sect. 146). On the so-called 
broken obelisk of Ashurnagirpal III. are mentioned 
kings Irba Adad and Ashurnadinakhi II., who, prob- 
ably in these days, built at the city of Assur. In 
Babylonia the dynasty of Pashe came to an end about 
1007 B. c, and was followed by three dynasties in 
rapid succession. The fifth in the order of the kings' 
list consisted of three kings who ruled between twenty- 
one and twenty-three years, and was called the " Dy- 
nasty of the Sea." The sixth, the "Dynasty of Bazi," 
also of three kings, endured for but twenty years. 
An Elamite followed, reigning for six years, constitut- 
ing by himself alone the seventh dynasty. The names 
of the kings of the eighth dynasty are quite broken 
away on the list, and apparently the sum of their 
regnal years also. How long they ruled, therefore, 
is quite uncertain, and, when the gap closes, the kings 
that begin the new series belong to the eighth cen- 
tury. Half a dozen names, found in other docu- 
ments, occupy the vacant space over against Assyrian 
kings of the ninth century, from whom ampler infor- 
mation has come down. 

153. While only a broken and baffling story of the 


course of these kingdoms can be drawn from such 
sources, it does not follow that the years gathering 
about the beginning of the first millennium B. c. were 
not of real significance to the history of Babylonia 
and Assyria. The kingdoms themselves pass for the 
time into eclipse, and the centre of interest is shifted 
from their capitals to the lands that hitherto have 
been the scene of their aggression. In those lands, 
however, are to be found the causes of the decline, 
and there a veritably new political world was forming 
in those years; a world in which the leaders of the 
Assyrian renaissance were later to carry their arms 
to wider and more splendid victories. 

154. It may be correct to ascribe the dechne of 
Assyria, at least in part, to internal exhaustion, due 
to the tremendous strain of the numerous and costly 
campaigns of Tiglathpileser I. Vigorous citizens had 
been drafted for the armies, many of whom perished 
on distant battlefields. The economic resources of the 
land absorbed in military campaigns were by no 
means compensated for by the inflowing of treas- 
ure from the conquered lands, most of which wxnt into 
the royal coffers. These losses could not but disable 
the national strength. Yet the great king seems to 
have sought to guard against this danger by the 
statesmanlike measures already described (sect. 148), 
and during the reigns of his two sons some oppor- 
tunity for recuperation was afforded. The prime fact 
was that, coincident with this period of internal de- 
chne, a series of mighty movements of peoples took 
place in the world without, which swept away As- 
syria's authority over her provincial districts, en- 
croached upon her territory, threw Babylonia into civil 


war, paralyzed all foreign trade, and afforded oppor- 
tunity for tlie consolidation of rival powers on the 
borders of both nations. The most important of 
these movements was a fresh wave of Aramean migra- 
tion, which welled up in resistless volume from _the~ 
Arabian peninsula. At various periods during pre- 
ceding centuries, these nomads had crossed the 
Euphrates, and roamed through the middle Mesopo- 
tamian plain as far as the Tigris. At times they 
were a menace to the commerce of the rivers, but 
usually were held in check by the armies of the great 
states, driven back by systematic campaigns, or ab- 
sorbed into the settled population. But in these years 
tliey came in overwhelming multitudes. Apparently 
by the mere force of numbers they crowded back the 
Assyrians and Babylonians and occupied the entire 
western half of the plain. They poured oyer into 
Syria as well, until stopped by the sea and tli^ moun- 
tains. At the first they may have moved to and fro, 
fighting and plundering, and not witliout reason has 
it been held (Tiele, BAG, pp. 167, 178) that they 
carried fire and sword into the heart of Assyria itself. 
^ In course of time they yielded to the influences of 
? civilization, and began to settle down in the rich 
' ' country of upper Mesopotamia around the Euphmtes, 
where their states are found a century after. The 
causes of such a movement are difficult to determine. 
In this case something more than the ordinary irppulse" 
to migration seems to be required. May it^ not be 
found in the rise of the kingdoms of southern Arabia 
which, whether Minean or Sabean, seem to" have 
reached the acme of their prosperity just before this 
period ? Their extension toward the north and east 


may have driven the Bedouin upward and precipitated 
the onward movement which forced the Arameans out 
into Mesopotamia and Syria. 

155. Such a cause would account also for the other 
irruption from the same Arabian region, which in this 
period brought confusion to Babylonia. It has al- 
ready been remarked (sect. 69) that Babylonian trade 
with southern Arabia centred about the border city 
of Ur near the mouth of the rivers. Along this open 
and attractive highway came a new horde that fell 
upon the coast-lands and river-bottoms, and appear 
henceforth in Babylonian history as the Kaldi. They 

, pressed forward up the river, ever falling back, when 
defeated, into their almost inaccessible fastnesses in 
the swamps of the coast, and ever reappearing to con- 
test the sovereignty of the land. The kings that fol- 
lowed the dynasty of Pashe were called Kings of the 
Sea Land; the name suggests that they may have 
belonged to the Kaldi. At any rate, thej^ felt the in- 
fluence of the troubles occasioned by the Arameans 
to the north, for an inscription of Nabu-abal-iddin of 
the ninth century, mentions the plundering of Akkad 
by the Suti, and the failure of two of the kings of the 
dynasty in an endeavor properly to restore the wor- 
ship of the god Shamash in Sippar (KB, III. 1, p. 174). 
The rapid succession of dynasties in Babylonia from 
about 1000 to 950 b. c. is naturally explained in view 
of a series of incursions such as this inscription men- 
tions and other facts suggest. 

156. In the northern regions, also, the scene of the 
victories of Tiglathpileser, Assyrian ascendancy ap- 
pears early to have been swept away. The facts are 
much more obscure and indecisive, but the entrance of 


new peoples on the scene seems fairly certain. Some- 
where about or just before this time, the Phrygians 
entered Asia Minor from Europe, and, like a wedge, 
forced apart the peoples of the east and west. Vague 
traditions exist of a Cilician kingdom, which rivalled 
that of the earlier Khatti, and united the peoples to 
the north and east of the gulf of Issus as far as Ar- 
menia (Maspero, SN, p. 668). It may be that the as- 
saults of the Assyrian king, coupled with the Phrygian 
invasion, had resulted in welding these tribes into 
a semblance of unity under some powerful chieftain, 
before whom the authority of Assyria speedily disap- 
peared, and the mountain passes were closed to her 
trade. Even more significant for the later history of 
Assyria was the advance from the northeast to the 
shores of the " Upper Sea " (Lake Van) of 9, new 
people, the Urarti, who were to exercise a predomi- 
nating influence in these regions. Their advent was 
followed by great confusion. The northern tribes 
were pressed down to the south and southwest, and 
thereby the Assyrian ascendancy in the eastern and 
northern . mountains was broken. 

157. Behind these obstructions which effectually 
closed in around the Mesopotamian kingdoms, the 
opportunity was given for the formation of new na- 
tionalities, or the larger development of those already 
in existence. Especially on the Mediterranean, cqasji 
was the opportunity improved. Here the warlike 
people known as the Philistines had established them- 
selves as lords in the cities on the southeast coast, 
where the roads run up from Egypt into Syria, and 
were pressing up into the hill country behind. On 
these plateaus the Hebrews had been feeling after that 


national organization to which their worship of Je- 
hovah led the way and gave the inspiration. By the 
impact of Philistine aggression the nation was brought 
into being, and sprang into full vigor under the genial 
leadership of David and the wise statesmanship of 
Solomon (about 1000-930 B.C.). Higher up along 
the coast the aggressive activity of the royal house 
of Tyre, and especially the reign of Hirom I., so 
strengthened and enriched that city as henceforth 
to make it the centre of the Phoenician communi- 
ties, the commercial mart of the eastern and western 
worlds. In the interior of Syria, city-states, like 
Hamath and Khalman, Patin and Samal, grew pros- 
perous and warred with one another and with the 
encroaching Arameans. The latter, while settling 
down in states on either side of the Euphrates, had 
pushed over into Syria as far as Zobah, and laid the 
foundations of the kingdom of Damascus, the famous 
trading-post and garden spot of eastern Syria. As 
for Egypt, she was broken by internal conflict; and 
though the Pharaohs of Tanis were fairly vigorous 
kings, and from time to time even ventured into 
southern Palestine, to check and dominate the Philis- 
tines (Mtiller, Asien und Europa, p. 389), these kings 
were not masters of all Egypt, and could do little 
to support their claims upon the Asiatic provinces 
possessed by the earlier dynasties. Thus the new 
states grew and older communities put on new life, 
under the impulse of the fresh masses of population, 
now that there was freedom from the pressure of tlie 
powers on the Tigris and the Nile. The whole 
face of the oriental world was changed and the centre 
of gravity seemed to have moved beyond the western 


bank of the Euphrates. By the middle of the tenth 
century the movement was at its height, and Syria 
appeared to be about to take the place of pre-eminence 
in the historical period that was to follow. 


MESOPOTAMIA. 885-860 B.C. 

158. The year 950 b. c, by which date the confu- 
sion of the past century had spent itself and in the 
various districts bordering on the Mesopotamian 
valley was beginning to yield to order and progress, 
affords a convenient point from which also to observe 
the revival of the ancient kingdoms whose activity had 
been so suddenly interrupted during the preceding 
years. In Egypt a Libyan general, Sheshonk, high in 
position at the court, had usurped the throne and 
founded the twenty- second dynasty. His accession was 
soon followed by a forward movement into Palestine 
and an attack upon the Hebrew kingdoms. In Baby- 
lonia the eighth dynasty (sect. 152) ruled under a king 
of unknown name and origin, who remained on the 
throne for thirty-six years and was followed by ten 
or eleven rulers of the same line. Assyria, however, 
showed most clearly the beginnings of recovery. 
There also a new dynasty occupied the throne, and 
thenceforth the crown descended in the same family, 
from father to son, through at least ten generations. 
Of Tiglathpileser II., the founder of the line, nothing 
is known. His son, Ashurdan II. about 930 B. c, 
comes forward somewhat clearly as a canal-builder, a 
founder of fortresses, and a restorer of temples in 
Assur. With Adadnirari II. his son (911-890 B. c), 


the upward movement was accelerated. The Assyrian 
limu list (sect. 38), that invaluable document of 
ancient chronology, begins with him, as though the 
compiler regarded his reign as a new epoch in the 
national history. He built upon the walls of Assur, 
and, according to one of his descendants, " overthrew 
the disobedient and conquered on every side." No 
record has been preserved of any of his wars except 
that with Babylonia. A difficulty about boundaries 
between the countries seems to have brought on the 
conflict. A forward movement by the Babylonian 
king Shamash-mudammiq was met by Adadnirari near 
Mount Yalman (Holwan) in the eastern mountains. 
The Babylonians were driven back, and the defeait 
apparently cost their king his life, for he was imme- 
diately succeeded on the throne by a usurper, Na- 
bushumishkun. Adadnirari advanced against him, 
defeated his army, spoiled several cities, and brought 
him speedily to terms. A treaty was made in which 
the kings exchanged daughters, and the boundaries 
were adjusted, no doubt to the satisfaction of Assyria. 
The son of Adadnirari II. was Tukulti Ninib II., in 
whose case the direct report of a campaign in the 
north has been preserved. At the sources of the Ti- 
gris, where Tiglathpileser I. had recorded his victories 
(sect. 146), his successor also inscribed his name and 
exploits, how with the help of his god he traversed 
the mighty mountains from the rising of the sun to 
its setting, and reduced their peoples to submission. 
It is evident that the work of his predecessor of two 
centuries before had to be done over again. He val- 
iantly undertook the task. It is not probable that 
\\\.^ own campaigns extended beyond the valley of th^ 


upper Tigris between the first two ranges of moun- 
tains. He reigned but six years (890-885 B. c), giving 
promise of what Assyria was about to achieve and 
winning from his successors characteristic apprecia- 
tions of his valor ; his son asserted that he " laid the 
yoke on his adversaries and set up their bodies on 
stakes," and his grandson, that " he subjugated all his 
enemies and swept them like a tempest." 

159. With Ashurna^irpal III. (885-860 B. c), the 
son and successor of Tukulti Ninib II., dawns the 
bright morning of the Assyrian revival. The brief 
reign of his father brought him to the throne at an 
early age, and, hke Tiglathpileser I., he plunged im- 
mediately into a series of warlike activities. Of the 
eleven campaigns recorded in his inscriptions, out of 
his twenty-four full years on the throne, seven were 
carried through before the first quarter of his reign 
was over. His first concern was with the north, 
whither his father had already led the way. There 
important changes had taken place since Tiglathpileser 
had made his campaigns. The commotions in the far 
north had pushed the tribes and peoples out of their 
old seats, crowded them together, or brought new 
peoples on the scene. The Nairi (sect. 144) were 
now to the southwest of Lake Van, and partly within 
the southern valley to the east of the sources of the 
Tigris. The Kirkhi had "been pressed together and 
lay toward the south of the same valley. On the 
western side Aramean tribes had crowded up on the 
east of the Qummukhi, and formed several commu- 
nities about Amid and to the west of the upper 
Tigris, pushing the Qummukhi back towards the 
mountains through which the Euphrates flows. Sev- 


eral tribes about the upper Tigris had retired into 
Kashiari, and there occupied the passes and valleys 
on the border of the Mesopotaraian plain. On the 
east and northeast the mountain peoples had been 
thrown forward to the ridges overlooking the valley, 
and constituted a new problem for the Assyrian 
rulers. Ashurnagirpal marched into the very centre 
of the disturbed region to check the advance of the 
Nairi, found their easternmost tribe (the Nimme) 
already to the couth of Lake Van, and crushed them. 
A dash over the mountains to the east brought the 
Kirruri to terms, and secured the homage of peoples 
to the far east in the upper valleys of the greater Zab 
(Gilzan and Khubushkia). / 

160. The western plateau south of the Armenian 
Taurus was then entered. Back and forth and up 
and down from the Bitlis to Qummukh and from 
Taurur: to Kashiari, he marched and fought in the 
four campaigns of the years 885, 884, 883, and 880 b. c. 
The upper Tigris was first cleared by the over- 
throw of the Kirkhi, and the tribute of Qummukh 
was gathered. At this time apparently the Aramean 
communities of that valley submitted. Then fol- 
lowed the recovery of the southwestern part of the 
plateau, where vigorous opposition had developed 
under the leadership of a city which had once been 
an Assyrian outpost. The trouble was spreading 
northward among the Aramean cities. Reaching the 
sources of the Tigris, where he set up his image by 
the side of those of his predecessors, Ashurnagirpal 
marched southward along the ridge overlooking Qum- 
mukh to Kashiari, on whose southwestern flanks were 
the strongholds of the enemy. Here the cities of the 


Nirbi were destroyed, and a fortified post on the 
right bank of the Tigris was established in the city 
of Tushkha, as the centre of Assyrian influence in the 
southwestern plateau. The reduction of the Nairi in 
the northern valleys was undertaken in the campaign 
of 880 B. c, and their tribute brought to Tushkha. 
With this the conquest of the various peoples of 
these districts was completed. A governor was 
appointed for the whole region, with his seat in that 

161. The king's movement into the north, in the 
beginning of his reign, seems to have been regarded 
by the hill peoples of the eastern border as a menace, 
against which it behooved them to prepare. That 
they were growing into a sort of confederacy is shown 
in the common name attached to the region Zamua. 
A chieftain whose tribe occupied the outermost 
fringe of mountains at the head of the pass of Babite, 
succeeded after two years in uniting all Zamua in an 
alliance. The united tribes presented an independent 
front to Assyria and proceeded to fortify the pass. 
To Ashurnagirpal this move was equivalent to 
rebellion. Besides, it threatened the security of his 
eastern border as well as the control of the trade with 
the hinterland. He withdrew, therefore, from active 
operations in the northwest, and for two years (882- 
881 B. c.) campaigned among these eastern mountains. 
His first attack had for its purpose the opening of 
the pass. The struggle was a severe one, and the 
summer was gone before the first line of defences 
was pierced. The king then withdrew to the Assyrian 
border. Winter came on early in the high mountain 
valleys, and the inhabitants must have felt secure for 


the time, but in September the Assyrian army ap- 
peared again within the mountain barrier. A forti- 
fied camp was established, and expeditions sallied out 
in all directions into the heart of the enemy's country, 
striking hard blows, and retiring swiftly on their 
base of operations. All Zamua was terrified and 
hastened to do homage. The next year's campaign 
was in the southeast, where some Zamuan chiefs 
continued in rebellion. A rapid march to the sources 
of the Turnat brought the king into the centre of the 
disaffected region, which was laid waste ; .thence the 
army turned northward, burning and plundering 
through the upper valleys, and descended to the 
fortified camp of the previous winter. A second 
time all the chieftains of Zamua came and kissed the 
king's feet. While the leading rebels had escaped 
the vengeance of the king, the confederacy had been 
broken up, and the country severely punished. From 
the northern border were brought down the gifts of 
Gilzan and Khubushkia, lands which had tendered 
their submission in his opening year. Fortified posts 
were established in Zamua, and a governor was 
appointed with his seat at Kalkhi. 

162. These six years of campaigning (885-880 B. c.) 
make up a cycle of vigorous achievement of which 
any warrior might be proud. From the head- waters 
of the river Turnat on the southeast, to the north- 
western mountains through which the Euphrates 
flowed, the long arc of mountain borderland had 
been brought under Assyrian authority. The ad- 
vancing tribes had been repressed and Assyria's 
borders relieved. A change of capital followed, 
possibly was occasioned by this extension of 


territory. In connection with his eastern wars the 
attention of Ashurnagirpal had been directed to 
Kalkhi. Its favorable situation, in the angle where 
the greater Zab falls into the Tigris, and equidistant 
from the eastern and northern mountain borders, 
may have been the ground which induced him to 
remove the seat of government thither. His first 
work was piously to rebuild the temple of his patron 
god, Ninib, and place in it a colossal statue of that 
divinity, to set up his shrine and appoint his festal 
seasons. Building went forward from this time upon 
the various edifices which were to adorn the site, 
while the king himself turned to a new field of war- 
fare, and undertook a series of expeditions that oc- 
cupied him for at least four years. 

163. While in Qummukh, on the expedition of 
884 B. c, word was brought to Ashurnagirpal that 
the communities on the Khabur River were in com- 
motion. The Arameans had already established petty 
principalities in the rich plains bordering on the 
Euphrates from the Khabur to the mountains (sect. 
151). One of these states was aspiring to some- 
thing more than local supremacy. This community, 
to the north of the Balikh, and situated in a fertile 
region, the seat of an ancient civilization, and an 
immemorial centre of trade, was called by the As- 
syrians Bit Adini from a certain Adinu, probably the 
founder of a dynasty of ambitious chiefs. How far 
it had extended its influence by this time cannot be 
determined, but its interference in the affairs of Suru 
on the Khabur had brought about a revolution there, 
whereby a chief from Bit Adini was raised to the 
throne. When the king heard of it, he at once recog- 


nized the gravity of the situation. A union of these 
communities was a serious danger to Assyria, and, as 
in the case of the tribes of the eastern mountains, he 
regarded it as an act of " rebellion," warranting im- 
mediate action on his part. Marching southward to 
the upper waters of the Khabur, he descended along 
the river bank to the scene of disturbance. A portion 
of the inhabitants of Suru submitted. The remainder, 
showing resistance, were cruelly punished, and their 
new chief carried off to be flayed alive at Nineveh. 
The neighboring tribes up and down the Euphrates 
brought tribute. 

164. The four years following saw the completion 
of the work undertaken in the north and east (sects. 
160, 161). Not till 879 B. c. did the king undertake 
another western expedition. Unfortunately, the three 
expeditions that follow 879 B. c. are left undated in 
his inscriptions, and it is uncertain whether these 
occupied the years immediately following (z. e, 878- 
876 B. c), though it is usually assumed that they 
did. In the first two campaigns (879-878) he 
took Suru on the Khabur as a base of operations, 
and chastised the tribes north and south on either 
bank of the Euphrates. The southern tribes, the 
Sukhi, were supported by Babylonian troops under 
the command of Zabdanu, the brother of Nabupalid- 
din, king of Babylonia, and Ashurnagirpal proudly 
claims to have "stricken with terror" the land of 
Babylonia and the Kaldi, by taking prisoner the 
Babylonian general and three thousand of his troops. 
He obtained boats, and, sailing across and down the 
Euphrates, plundered the villages, burned the grain- 
fields, and marched into the desert. Somewhere in the 


region between the Khabur and the Balikh he built 
two fortresses on either side of the Euphrates, called 
Kar Ashurnagirpal and Nibarti Ashur. The third 
expedition (877 ?) was aimed directly at Bit Adini, 
and the resistance offered by Akhuni, its king, col- 
lapsed with the storming of his citadel of Kaprabi. 
With the submission of this Aramean kingdom Ash- 
urna^irpal was in control of all upper Mesopotamia. 

165. The last western campaign (876?) had the 
Mediterranean for its objective point. From Bit 
Adini the Euphrates was crossed, and Karkhemish, 
the capital of Sangara, king of the Khatti, surrendered 
without fighting. Ashurnagirpal now had before him 
the plateau of upper Syria, which, lying behind the 
Euphrates hills, stretched away westward to the 
mountains and the seacoast in a series of fruitful 
plains, filled with inhabitants. Petty city-states 
divided the land between them and occupied them- 
selves in perpetual warfare. At this time the leading 
state was that of Patin, which, under its king Lubarna, 
controlled the country about the lower Orontes and 
its northern affluents. Ashurnagirpal marched di- 
rectly on Patin. Lubarna offered no resistance, and 
was left in possession of his kingdom as an Assyr- 
ian vassal. The march led across the Orontes south- 
ward through the mountains. The city of Aribua 
was selected as an Assyrian outpost and base of sup- 
plies. From thence the march may be told in the 
king's own words : 

Then I approached the slopes of Lebanon. To the 
great sea of Akharri [L e. the Mediterranean] I ascended. 
In the great sea I purified my weapons and offered 
sacrifices to the gods. Tribute of the kings on the 



shores of the sea, of Tyre, Si Jon, Byblos, Makhallata^ 
MaiQa, Kaiqa, Akharri, and Aramada [Arvad] in the 
midst of the sea, silver, gold, lead, copper, copper vessels, 
variegated and linen garments, a large and smtiU. paj/utiij 
ushu and ukarinu wood, tusks of the nakhiri^ the sea 
monster, I received in tribute. They embraced my feet 
(Standard Inscr., col. iii. 84-88). 

Returning northward, he went up into the Amanus 
mountains to cut choice timber for his palaces and 
temples, and, after setting up the usual image of him- 
self with a memorial of his deeds, made liis way back 
to Assyria. 

166. The chronicle of these conquests naturally 
suggests comparison with those of Tiglathpileser I. 
That warrior undoubtedly extended Assyria's fame 
and influence more widely than did Ashurna^irpal, 
whose campaigns did not carry him beyond the upper 
Euphrates, or the boundaries of Babylonia. In many 
of his measures the later king imitated the earlier, 
in the personal leadership of his troops, in the imposi- 
tion of tribute upon conquered countries and the 
requirement of hostages, in the deportation of subdued 
populations, and in the treatment of enemies. On 
the other hand, in some respects, Ashurnagirpal shows 
himself in advance of his predecessor. His army was 
improved by the addition of a cavalry squadron, 
supplementing the infantry and chariots. This first 
appears in the Zamuan campaigns, and is developed in 
the western wars, where it may have been modelled 
after the Aramean cavalry. It was certainly useful 
in following up the Bedouin when foot-soldiers and 
chariots would have been useless ; it formed thence- 
forth a constantly enlarging division of the Assyrian 


force. Another measure of the king was the incor- 
poration of the troops of subject peoples in his army. 
This appears on the largest scale in his Syrian expedi- 
tion, in which he added, successively, the soldiers of 
the Aramean communities on the Euphrates, of Kar- 
khemish, and of Patin. While the desire to leave no 
enemies in his rear may have been a partial ground 
of this action, it is probable that these detachments 
continued to remain under his control and were 
carried with him to Kalkhi. There he seems to have 
established a great military centre, where these and 
other troops were maintained and drilled. In this 
procedure he solved a standing problem of Assyrian 
politics, namely, how to continue the wars without 
drawing too heavily on Assyria's citizens. While 
thereby introducing elements of serious danger into 
the state, he was, nevertheless, enabled thus to hand 
do^vn to his successor an undiminished power, and 
make it possible for him to undertake an even greater 
series of military operations. 

167. In organizing his conquered territory the king 
made a distinct advance. A line of Assyrian outposts 
was established. Some of these guarded exposed dis- 
tricts; others formed the central points of regions 
more or less geographically compacted. Of the former 
class were Atlila, called Dur Assur, in Zamua on the 
Elamite-Babylonian border, the fortified post of 
Tukulti-ashur-a^bat among the eastern mountains, 
the city of Ashurnagirpal at the sources of the Tigris, 
the " royal cities " Damdamusa in the northwest 
and Uda in Kashiari, the two fortresses on opposite 
sides of the Euphrates (sect. 164), and Aribua in 
Patin, apparently guarding the Orontes valley. To 


the latter type belonged Kakzi, in the eastern 
Assyrian plain, the starting-point of the Zamuan cam- 
paigns, and Tushkha in Kirkhi, where the king built 
a palace and granaries. Various officials represented 
Assyria in these districts. Their names and jurisdic- 
tion are not altogether clear. Sometimes the former 
rulers were confirmed in their dignities on submission 
to the conqueror, or native nobles were chosen, 
whose exaltation to posts of honor and influence 
would be expected to insure their fidelity. Thus, the 
zahil kuduri, stationed among the northern peoples, had 
charge of the collection and delivery of tribute to the 
king. The exact duties of a (/^pw, the honorable title 
given to local chiefs, are not defined. An office of 
higher and wider jurisdiction is that of shaknu, which 
may be held by a native chief or, in some cases appar- 
ently, by an Assyrian noble who, in important terri- 
tories like those of the Kirkhi and Nairi, is responsible 
directly to the king. The position of the urasi, 
another personage mentioned in the inscriptions, may 
have been hardly more than that of "resident" in 
cities under Assyrian control. The placing of Assyr- 
ian colonists in some of the cities, though not a new 
measure, is with all the rest a significant indication 
of the new beginning of systematic endeavors toward 
close supervision and control of the subjugated 

168. The method of Ashurnagirpal in reducing 
many of these regions to subjection was so severe as 
potently to aid in holding them to A ssyi-ian allegiance. 
One illustration, drawn from the conqueror's own 
account of the overtlirow of Tela on the slopes of 
Kashiari, is sufficient; 


I drew near to the city of Tela. The city was very 
strong ; three walls surrounded it. The inhabitants 
trusted to their strong walls and numerous soldiers; 
they did not come down or embrace my feet. With 
battle and slaughter I assaulted and took the city. 
Three thousand warriors I slew in battle. Their booty 
and possessions, cattle, sheep, I carried away; many 
captives I burned with fire. Many of their soldiers I 
took alive ; of some I cut off hands and limbs ; of others 
the noses, ears, and arms; of many soldiers I put out 
the eyes. I reared a column of the living and a column 
of heads. I hung up on high their heads on trees in 
the vicinity of their city. Their boys and girls I burned 
up in the flame. I devastated the city, dug it up, in 
fire burned it ; I annihilated it (Standard Inscr., col. i. 

Such punishment was reserved for those communities 
which once under Assyrian authority now offered 
opposition. This was regarded as rebellion and pun- 
ished by extermination, or by penalties which rendered 
the unhappy survivors a warning to their neighbors. 
Native officials, once trusted by their Assyrian mas- 
ters, but afterwards rebellious, were, when captured, 
flayed alive and their skins hung upon the city walls. 
Communities for the first time summoned to submit 
to Assyria, if they resisted, were subject to the ordi- 
nary fate of the conquered, but not otherwise treated 
with special cruelty. The opposition encountered by 
Ashurnagirpal was usually not very strong ; the cities 
were beaten in detail ; they had not yet learned how 
to unite against the common enemy. The numbers 
definitely mentioned in the inscriptions indicate a 
total of less than thirty thousand soldiers slain by 
the Assyrians in all these campaigns, but this esti- 


mate does not probably include more than a third of 
the persons who perished in the storming of the cities. 
Without doubt the stress of suffering fell upon the 
northern mountaineers, for more than half of the 
slain recorded by the king belong to this region, 
which evidently had caused the chief trouble and 
required the most strenuous efforts to keep under 
control. In fact, the last campaign of Ashurnair- 
pal, in his eighteenth year (867 B. c), directed 
against the districts to the northwest, was some- 
thing of a failure. The city of Amid seems to have 
held out, and further trouble was promised for the 

169. The importance of the conquests is shown in 
the long lists of the spoil and tribute obtained, beside 
which the booty of Tiglathpileser I. seems insignifi- 
cant. Least productive were the lands of Zamua, yet 
they had one important and indispensable product, the 
splendid horses raised on their plateaus and famed 
throughout the Orient. From all the mountain re- 
gions came cattle and sheep in countless numbers, 
besides wine and corn. Of precious metals, these 
districts produced copper, which was manufactured in 
various forms, and gold and silver. The Aramean 
communities of the western Mesopotamian plain were 
the most remunerative, and their spoil reveals the 
wealth and civilization of that region. Even the 
Aramean states to the west of the sources of the Tigris 
contributed, besides horses, cattle, and sheep, chariots 
and harness, armor, silver, gold, lead, copper, varie- 
gated garments and linen cloths, wood and metal 
work, and furniture in ivory and gold. To these the 
chief of Bit Adini added ivory plates, couches and 


thrones, gold beads and pendants and weapons of 
gold ; the king of Karkhemish, cloths of purple light 
and dark, marvellous furniture, silver baskets, pre- 
cious woods and stones, elephant tusks and female 
slaves ; and Syria, her fragrant cedars and the other 
woods of her mountain-forests. 

170. Abundant opportunity for the use and bestow- 
ment of these spoils of war was given in the king's 
building enterprises at his capital of Kalkhi. Besides 
the temple already referred to (sect. 162), his crown- 
ing work was his magnificent palace. This stood on 
the western side of a rectangular platform which was 
reared along the east bank of the Tigris from north 
to south. Around its base to the north and east lay 
the city. The palace itself was about three hundred 
and fifty feet square ; its entrances looked northward 
upon the great temple structure that occupied the 
northwestern corner of the platform and overhung the 
city and the river. A series of long narrow galleries, 
lined with sculptured alabaster slabs, surrounded a 
court in size one hundred and twenty-five by one 
hundred feet. The chief of these rooms, probably 
a throne chamber, one hundred and fifty-four by 
thirty-three feet, still contains at its eastern end the 
remains of a dais which once may have supported 
the throne. On the slabs were wrought, in low relief, 
scenes from the life and experiences of the king. 
Now he offers thanksgiving for the slaying of a wild 
ox or a lion ; now he pursues the fleeing enemy in 
his chariots ; now his army besieges a city, or advances 
to the attack across a river, or, led by the king, 
marches through the mountains. Everywhere inscrip- 
tions commemorate his achievements and recite his ti- 


ties. At the doorways stood the monstrous man-headed 
bulls, or lions, only head and shoulders completely 
wrought out, as if leaping forth from the wall, the 
rest still half sculptured in the stone, divine spirits 
guarding the entrances. Scenes of religious worship 
abound, gods, spirits, and heroes engaged in exercises 
of which the meaning is not yet clear. Everywhere 
is the combination of energy with repose, of massive 
strength with dignity ; though crude and imperfect in 
the technique of the sculptor, the reliefs are the most 
vivid and lifelike achievements of Assyrian art, the 
counterpart in stone of the grandiose story of the 
king's campaigns, which is written above and on either 
side of them. The narrow galleries were spanned 
with cedar beams and decorated with silver and gold 
and bronze. The priceless ivories of the west, show- 
ing by subject and style the unmistakable influence of 
Egypt, have been picked up from the palace floors by 
modern explorers. All was a wonderful commentary 
upon AshurnaQirpal's own words : 

A palace for my royal dwelling-place, for the glorious 
seat of my royalty, I founded for ever and splendidly 
planned it. I surrounded it with a cornice (?) of copper. 
Sculptures of the creatures of land and sea carved in 
" alabaster," I made and placed them at the doors. 
Lofty door-posts of . . . wood I made, and sheathed 
them with copper and set them up in the gates. Thrones 
of "costly" woods, dishes of ivory containing silver, 
gold, lead, copper, and iron, the spoil of my hand, taken 
from conquered lands I deposited therein. (Monolith 
Inscr., concl. 12-24). 

The king had a palace in Nineveh also, and built 
temples there and elsewhere. The evidence of his 


having contributed to the inner development of his 
country is not abundant. An aqueduct to supply 
Kalkhi with water drawn from the upper Zab was re- 
ferred to ; it brought fruitfulness to the surrounding 
country, as its name ^* producer of fertility " proves. 
The rebuilding of Kalkhi, and the wealth in cattle and 
sheep, as well as other property, brought in by the 
successful wars, must be regarded as most important 
contributions to Assyrian economic resources. 

171. Varying judgments have been passed on the 
character of Ashurnagirpal. Of his energy there can 
be no question. As hunter and warrior he was 
untiring and resistless. But to some he is chiefly a 
monster of remorseless cruelty, whose joy it was to 
maim, flay, burn, or impale his conquered enemies. 
If this verdict is finally to be rendered, he will be 
convicted out of his own mouth, for the evidence 
is derived solely from his frank, unsoftened narra- 
tive of his own ruthless barbarities. But while they 
are not to be palliated, it must be remembered that 
war has since engendered even more hideous crimes, 
of which his narrative shows him to be guiltless ; that 
in an iron age, when Assyria was recovering from 
a century of dishonor and collapse, fierce and bloody 
vengeance had come to be the rule ; and that in almost 
every instance these last penalties were inflicted upon 
communities which, from the Assyrian point of view, 
had violated their pledges to God and man. It is evi- 
dent, moreover, that the statements of tho king are 
not inspired by the lust of cruelty and blood, but 
liave been inscribed with the same purpose as that 
with which the punishments were inflicted, to strike 
terror into the heart of the opposer and to warn the 


intending rebel of his fate. That this verdict is more 
reasonable is strengthened by the probability that, 
with the sole exception of the campaign of 867 B. c, 
the king's wars ceased before his reign was half over. 
The lesson had been learned, and the king, having 
taught it in this savage fashion, was well content to 
turn his energies to the pursuits of peace. Of these 
latter years there is but scanty record. Wisely to 
govern a peaceful empire had not yet come to stand 
among the glories of monarchs. Nevertheless in the 
remarkable statue of Ashurna^irpal found in the tem- 
ple of Ninib, not far from his palace, " the only extant 
perfect Assyrian royal statue in the round," a sugges- 
tion is given of the statesman as well as the warrior. 
A rude heroic figure, he stands upright before the 
god, looking straight forward, his brawny arms bare, 
the left hand holding to his breast the mace, weapon 
of the soldier, but the right dropped by his side, 
grasping the sceptre, emblematic of the shepherd of 
his people. 


OF HIS HOUSE. 860-745 B.C. 

172. For more than a century after the death of 
Ashurnairpal (860 B.C.) his descendants occupied 
the throne of Assyria. The period is one of great 
variety in details ; new peoples come upon the scene 
as the empire widens ; new political problems appear 
for solution in the increasing complexity of the 
field and the factors involved ; inner difficulties arise 
the presence of which is not easily to be accounted 
for, though of obvious significance; the dynasty at 
last gives way to a successful revolution. But, in the 
main features, the historical development of Assyria 
continues as before, with the same lines of policy, 
the same unwearied military activity, the same un- 
ceasing effort after expansion, the same methods of 
government, the same relations to peoples without. 
Accordingly, to trace in repetitious detail the cam- 
paigns of the several kings in turn, would be weari- 
some and unprofitable. Their work may be considered 
as a whole, its general features described, and its 
results summarized, while the special achievements 
of each ruler are properly appreciated. Ashurnagirpal 
was succeeded by his son Shalmaneser II., whose 
thirty-five years of reigning (860-825 B. c.) were one 


long military campaign. Either under his own 
leadership, or that of his commanding general, the 
Turtati^ his armies marched in all directions, coercing 
rebellious vassals, and collecting their tribute, or 
seeking new peoples to conquer. An obelisk of black 
basalt records in brief sentences, year by year, thirty- 
two of these expeditions, and its testimony is supple- 
mented on the other monuments of the king by 
fuller accounts of particular achievements. His son, 
Shamshi Adad IV., reigned less than half as long as 
his father (825-812 B. c), and has left, as his 
memorial, a monolith, the inscription of which covers 
only half of his years. Adadnirari III. followed 
(812-783 B.C.), ascending the throne of his father, 
apparently, in early youth, but ruling with great 
energy and splendor for nearly thirty years. Un- 
fortunately, no satisfactory annals of his reign have 
been preserved. Royal inscriptions from the next 
three kings utterly fail. Shalmaneser III. (783- 
773 B.C.), Ashurdan III. (773-755 B.C.), and 
Ashurnirari II. (755-745 B. c.) are known to us 
from the limu list alone, where the brief references 
to years without campaigns, to pestilence and revolt, 
tell the melancholy story of imperial decay, until, 
with the last of the three, the dynasty fell, and a 
usurper seized the crown. 

173. Beyond a few facts, little is known of the 
political organization and economic development of 
Assyria during this century. In the time of Shalma- 
neser II. and his two successors, the spoil of subject 
peoples continued to flow in abundantly, precious 
metals and manufactured articles from the west, 
com, wine, and domestic animals from the north and 


east. Among the latter, two-humped dromedaries, re- 
ceived from the far northeast, obtained special mention 
as novelties, and point to the control of a trade route 
from the upper Iranian plateau. Shalmaneser seems 
to have taken a step forward, in the imposition of a 
regular and definite yearly tribute upon certain com- 
munities. Thus the kingdom of Patin paid one 
talent of silver, two talents of purple cloth, and two 
hundred (?) cedar beams ; another king, at the foot 
of Mount Amanus, ten mina of silver, two hundred 
cedar beams, and other products of cedar; Kar- 
khemish paid sixty mina of gold, one talent of silver, 
and two talents of purple cloth ; Qummukh, twenty 
mina of silver, and three hundred cedar beams. A 
prescribed number of horses broken to the yoke was 
required from the northern tribes. These requisitions 
are more moderate than were the spoils gained in the 
descents of the armies upon the various subject 
regions, and indicate that already the Assyrian kings 
perceived the wisdom of adjusting their demands to 
the resources of the lands under their sway. Much 
less harshness in the wars is recorded. Measures 
like those of Ashurnagirpal were reserved for the few 
peoples whose rebellious spirit or persistent hostility 
seemed to justify extreme penalties. Indeed, revolts 
became less frequent, because during this period the 
empire was becoming more compact by the direct 
incorporation of regions long subject to Assyrian 
authority. A striking illustration of this fact is 
found in the limu list, in which a regular order in the 
succession of officials seems to be established. In it 
appear governors of cities and districts along the 
borders, such as Rayappa (Reseph) on the right bank 


of the Euphrates, Arpakha on the Elamite border, 
Nagibina (Nisibis) in northern Mesopotamia, Amid 
and Tushkha in the northern mountains, Guzana 
(Gozan) in western Mesopotamia, Kirruri, and 
Mazamua, in the northeastern mountains. To have 
occupied places in this honorable list, the occupants 
of such posts must have been in intimate association 
with the court, and their administrative activity in 
immediate dependence on the central power. 

174. The usual internal troubles that beset oriental 
monarchies appeared in this century in Assyria. 
Family difficulties in the reigning house broke out 
/in the rebellion of 'Shalmaneser's son Ashurdaninpal 
in the thirty-third year of his father's reign. The 
cause is not difficult to comprehend. Six years 
before, Shalmaneser had handed over the leadership 
of his military expeditions to his Turtan, Dain Ashur. 
To this evidence of his own growing weakness, and 
the natural fear, on the part of his sons, of the usur- 
pation of the throne by this general, is, perhaps, to 
be added a palace intrigue, which threatened the 
future accession of Ashurdaninpal by the putting 
forward of another son of Shalmaneser, Shamshi Adad, 
as a candidate for the throne. The rebellion was a 
very serious one, involving twenty-seven cities of the 
empire, among which were Nineveh, Assur, Arbela, 
Imgur Bel, Amid, and Til-abni. Kalkhi and, appar- 
ently, the army were, however, faithful to the king. 
In the midst of this civil war Shalmaneser died, 
and, only after it had endured six years, was Shamshi 
Adad able to bring it to a close and make sui'e his 
title to the crown. The blow inflicted upon the 
centres of Assyrian life must have been very severe. 


Sixty years after tliis, another revolt is chronicled, 
the causes of which are to be found in the foreign 
politics of Assyria. The rising kingdom of Urartu 
was steadily encroaching upon Assyria all along the 
northern border as far as the Mediterranean, and the 
kings were being forced into a defensive attitude in 
spite of all their efforts. Thus Assyrian military 
pride was wounded, and mercantile prestige was 
crippled. A total eclipse of the sun occurring on 
June 15, 763 b. c, was thought the favorable moment 
for raising the standard of rebellion in the city of 
Assur. A line drawn across the limu list at this 
year suggests the setting up of a rival king in that 
city. The revolt spread to Arbakha in the east, and 
Gozan in the west, but was finally subdued. In 
746 B. c, however, another insurrection broke out 
in the imperial military city of Kalkhi. Ashurnirari 
II. had been satisfied to spend more than half his 
regnal years without making any military expeditions, 
and, though in itself the fact does not account for 
the revolt, since the latter half of the great Ashur- 
nagirpal's reign is likewise unmarked by wars, it 
reveals the manifest inability of this ruler to cope 
with the threatening foreign difficulties. The atti- 
tude of the army was decisive, and Ashurnirari 
disappeared before a military leader who became king 
in 745 B. c. under the title of Tiglathpileser III. 

175. While in these last troubled years the pros- 
perity of the state must have been severely shaken, 
the earlier and more successful kings show, in their 
inscriptions and public works, that they were not be- 
hind Ashurnagirpal in the development of the higher 
life of the nation. Shalmaneser II. seems to have 


resided at Assur and Nineveh in his early years, and 
in each of these cities traces of his building operations 
remain. Kalkhi, however, was his real capital, and 
here, in the centre of the great mound (sect. 170), he 
built his palace, of which, unfortunately, but few 
remains have been found. In it stood the " Black 
Obelisk " (sect. 172), and two gigantic winged bulls 
carved in high relief on slabs fourteen feet square, 
inscribed with accounts of the royal campaigns 
(Layard, N. and R., I. pp. 59, 280 f.). Toward the 
/close of his reign the king rebuilt the wall of Assur in 
stone, and left there a statue of himself seated on his 
throne. At Imgur Bel, nine miles east of Kalkhi, 
were found the most splendid remains of the artistic 
skill of his reign, the bronze sheathings of what seems 
to be a wooden gate with double doors, twenty-seven 
feet in height. These bronze plates were ornamented 
with scenes done in repouss^ work, representing 
events in the various expeditions of the king. A 
sacrifice on the shores of Lake Van, the storming of 
a fortress in Nairi, the receipt of tribute from Syria, 
the burning of a captured city are some of the 
subjects, the treatment of which is bold and spirited, 
and differs from the work of the earlier period chiefly 
in the variety of detail, suggestive of the different 
localities in which the scenes are placed. Skill in the 
handling of the metal, sharpness of observation, and 
an artistic eye in the choice of scenes testify to the 
remarkable attainments of the royal artists. The 
inscriptions of the several kings do not differ largely 
from the conventional form adopted from earlier 
models. That of Shamshi Adad, indeed, evinces a 
certain freedom of characterization, indicating soma 


independence in the details of literary expression, but 
otherwise the same annalistic form and traditional 
figures of speech prevail. Few other literary remains 
have survived. To Shalmaneser II. is ascribed the 
foundation at Kalkhi of the royal library. It had a 
librarian who cared for its collections. The works 
were chiefly Babylonian classical religious texts, either 
in originals brought from the south as the spoil of 
war, or copies made by scribes. The stock of books 
was still further increased under Adadnirari III. and 
Ashurnirari II. Under the former king was produced 
the diplomatic document known as the " Synchronistic 
History of Assyria and Babylonia," a summary of the 
political relations between the kings of these countries 
from the earliest period (sect. 30). The influence of 
Assyrian culture of the time on its environment is 
illustrated by the royal inscriptions of the kings of 
Urartu, who at first write in the Assyrian language, 
and later employ the Assyrian script for their native 

176. The religious life of the times receives light 
from several sides. The inscriptions of the kings, 
while still emphasizing the warlike side of religion 
and glorifying the gods of war, reveal a tendency to 
exalt the ethical element. Particularly the ranging 
of the sun-god Shamash alongside of the national 
deity Ashur as the guide and inspirer of the king, 
and the epithets applied to him such as "judge of the 
world," " ordainer of all things," "director of man- 
kind," and though this is uncertain " lord of 
law," suggest the development of a sense of order 
and justice in the government (Jastrow, Rel. of Bab. 
and Assyr., p. 210). A new emphasis on culture is 



indicated by the high place ascribed in the reign of 
Adadnirari III. to the Babylonian god of wisdom and 
learning, Nabu. A temple was built for him on the 
mound of Kalkhi, and his statues were placed within 
it. On one of them, prepared in honor of the king and 
the queen, an inscription, glorifying the god as the 
clear-eyed, i;he patron of the arts, the holder of the pen, 
whose attribute is wisdom, whose power is unequalled, 
and without whom no decision in heaven is made, 
clbses with the exhortation " O Posterity, trust in 
Nabu; trust not in any other god! " Whatever may 
have been the occasion to make so much of this god 
at this time, it is clear that he represented to the 
Assyrians an ideal of life never before so attractive 
to them and suggestive of their higher aspirations. 

177. Turning to the first of those fields of aggres- 
sive activity in which Assyria made distinct advance, 
it appears that in the year 852 b. c. Babylonia engaged 
the attention of Shalmaneser II. Nabupaliddin, its 
king, a vigorous defender of his state against the 
Arameans, had succeeded in keeping free from hos- 
tilities with Ashurnagirpal and had even made alliance 
with Shalmaneser II. After a long reign of at least 
thirty-one years, his people deposed him, and his son 
Marduknadinshum succeeded to the throne, which was 
contested by his brother, Mardukbelusate. The latter, 
having his strength in the eastern provinces with their 
more vigorous population, was pressing hard upon his 
brother, who held Babylon and the other cities of 
western and middle Babylonia. Marduknadinshum 
appealed to Shalmaneser II. for aid, which was 
promptly granted. In the two campaigns of 852- 
851 B. c. the Assyrian king overtlu-ew and killed the 


usurper, and restored the kingdom to iNIarduknadin- 
shum, who naturally became a vassal. As a sign of 
supremacy and with the customary reverence of an 
Assyrian king for the shrines of Babylonia, Shalma- 
neser visited the temples of Babylon, Borsippa, and 
Kutha, and made rich offerings to the gods. Two 
hundred and fifty years had passed since an Assyrian 
king had entered Babylon, and now the Assyrian 
suzerainty was acknowledged by the legitimate Baby- 
lonian king, of his own accord. Shalmaneser found 
the kingdom beset by its southern neighbors, the 
Kaldi (sect. 155), who had organized petty kingdoms 
and were constantly pushing up from the coast. He 
advanced against them, defeated one of their kings, 
and laid tribute upon them. The suzerainty of 
Assyria was thrown off by Babylon, possibly in the 
time of the rebelHon of Ashurdaninpal, and was re- 
established by Shamshi Adad in 818 b. c, who, how- 
ever, according to the limu list, occupied the last five 
years of his reign in expeditions to Babylonian cities, 
and bequeathed the problem to his successor. Adad- 
nirari III., after an expedition in his first years, in 
which he fully restored Assyrian supremacy, appears 
to have entered into very close relations with the 
southern kingdom. The completion of the so-called 
" Synchronistic History " in his reign marks a final 
stage in the boundary dispute between the two states. 
The building of the Nabu temple at Kalkhi is an 
evidence of his regard for things Babylonian. The 
mention in the inscription on the statue of Nabu 
(sect. 176) of the Queen Sammuramat, the " lady of 
the palace," to whom, together with the king, the 
statue is dedicated, has given rise to a variety of 


interesting comment. That she should be named in 
this connection suggests that she was active in the 
new Babylonian worship, and that, therefore, she may 
have been herself a Babylonian princess, either wife 
or mother of the king. The similarity of the name 
Semiramis, the famous queen mentioned by Herodotus 
(I. 184) as ruling over Babylon, has suggested the 
identity of the two royal ladies, but without much 
gain tp history thereby. The activity of the three 
last k^hgs of the family, so far as Babylonia was con- 
cerned, was consumed in expeditions against the 
Ituha, Aramean tribes in lower Mesopotamia, who 
evidently interfered with the communications between 
the two countries. Adadnirari had already found 
them troublesome. Whether the later kings of the 
dynasty exercised supremacy over the southern king- 
dom is uncertain with the probabilities against it in 
view of the growing weakness of the royal house. A 
remarkable and as yet inexplicable fact is that with 
NabunaQir, who became king in Babylonia in 747 B. c, 
the famous Canon of Ptolemy begins, as well as the 
Babylonian Chronicle, as though the accession of this 
ruler marked an epoch in the development of the 
state. Yet no historical memorials in our possession 
suggest any special change in Babylonian affairs. 

178. The Babylonian problem was neither so serious 
nor so insistent as those of the west and the north. 
Ashurnagirpal had subdued the west Mesopotaraian 
states up and down the Euphrates, and, in his one 
Syrian expedition, had made the Assyrian name 
known as far as the Mediterranean. His successors 
proceeded to make that name supreme between the 
great river and the sea, from tlie Amanus to the Leb- 


anons. Before advancing thither, however, Shalma- 
neser had to make good his title to the Aramean states 
which had yielded to his father. Upon his accession 
Akhuni of Bit Adini (sects. 163 f.) rebelled, and four 
years (859-856 b. c.) were needed to subjugate him. 
With great ability he had formed a league of states 
on either side of the Euphrates, as far as Patin, to 
repel the Assyrian advance, a method of resistance 
in which the southern Syrian states were soon to imi- 
tate him with greater success. Unfortunately the 
league fell to pieces on its first defeat. Akhuni 
fought on alone desperately for three years, but was 
finally captured and taken to the city of Assur. 
Northern Syria as represented in the states of Kar- 
khemish, Samal, and Patin, had already done homage. 
The way was open to the south. Planting Assyrian 
colonists at important centres and leaving garrisons 
in the chief cities of Bit Adini to which he gave 
Assyrian names, the king marched to the southwest 
in 854 B. c. A new country lay before him, as yet 
untrodden by an Assyrian army. 

179. Three leading states divided the region between 
them ; namely, Hamath, Damascus, and Israel. Eighty 
miles south of Khalman, the southern border of Assyr- 
ian authority in Syria, lay Hamath, at the entrance to 
Coele Syria ; one hundred miles farther south was Da- 
mascus ; the border of Israel met the confines of Da- 
mascus yet fifty miles west of south. Each state 
controlled the country round about it. Israel domi- 
nated Judah, Moab, and Edom ; Damascus and Ha- 
math were in treaty relations with the Phoenician ports 
on the coast near to them. With one another they 
Tvere in more or less continuous war, the outcome of 


which at any particular time might be the temporary 
suzerainty of the one or the other. Ever since Asa 
of Judah had made the fatid blunder of inviting the 
king of Damascus to attack Baasha of Israel in his 
interest, Damascus had been involved with Israel. 
Omri, founder of a new dynasty and of a new capital 
of his country at Samaria, had been worsted in the 
war. His son, Ahab, seems also to have reigned 
under Damascene influence. In the face of Shal- 
maneser's advance and in imitation of the example of 
Akhuni, a coalition was made under the leadership 
of the three kings, Irkhuleni of Hamath, Benhadad 
II. of Damascus, and Ahab of Israel, to which the 
kings of nine other peoples contributed troops. 
With an army of nearly four thousand chariots, two 
thousand cavalry, one thousand camel riders, and 
sixty-three thousand infantry, they met the Assyr- 
ian king at Qarqar on the Orontes, twenty miles north 
of Hamath (854 b. c). The Assyrian won the bat- 
tle, no doubt, as he claims, but the victory was inde- 
cisive, and he retired beyond the Euphrates without 
capturing any of the capitals of his enemies or receiv- 
ing their tribute. Indeed, his own domains in Syria 
withheld tribute, and in 850 B. c. he was compelled 
to chastise the kings of Karkhemish and Bit Agusi. 
In the next year, 849 b. c, he encountered the south- 
ern coalition again, and again withdrew. In 846 b. c. 
he called out the militia of Assyria and attacked the 
twelve allied kings with an army of one hundred and 
twenty thousand soldiers, but without any recorded 
success in the form of tribute. The situation was 
critical. Three years later (843 B. c.) he visited his 
Syrian provinces, marching to the Amanus without 


venturing southward. Meanwhile, either his intrigues 
or the inconstancy of Syrian princes had been work- 
ing for him. Revolutions had taken place in Damas- 
cus and Israel. Benhadad II. had been overthrown 
by Hazael, and the house of Omri by Jehu. Shalma- 
neser II. developed new tactics. Marching westward, 
in 842 B. c, as though making for the sea at the 
mouth of the Orontes, he suddenly turned southward, 
leaving Khalman, Hamath, and Damascus on his left. 
He thus took the allied states unprepared and divided. 
Hazael was isolated, but met the Assyrians on the 
eastern slopes of Mount Hermon. They drove him back 
to Damascus and ravaged the territory down into the 
Hauran, but could not capture his city. The cities 
of Tyre and Sidon sent " tribute." Hamath appears 
to have submitted, though the fact is not mentioned. 
More significant still was the attitude of Israel, whose 
king Jehu sent " tribute," " silver, gold, golden bowls, 
golden chalices, golden cups, golden buckets, lead, a 
royal sceptre and spear shafts (?)." Yet so long as 
Hazael remained unsubdued, these gifts were empty. 
A last expedition against him in 839 B.C. was 
equally unsuccessful in subjugating him, though the 
Phoenician cities again sent presents. Assyria had 
been virtually halted. Shalmaneser's armies never 
again marched south of Hamath. Hazael was free 
to take vengeance on his recreant southern allies, 
and soon was lord of the south, as far as the 
Egyptian border. Israel was humiliated; Jehu and 
his son Jehoahaz became vassals. Shalmaneser II. 
was forced to be content with northern Syria; but 
with the southern trade routes cut off, he must find 
pew outlets for Assvrian commerce. He therefore 


turned toward the northwest where Tiglathpileser I. 
had warred with the same purpose (s6ct. 144). Three 
campaigns are recorded against Qui (Cilicia), where he 
reached Tarzi (Tarsus) in the rich Cilician plain (840, 
835, 834 B. c.) ; in 838 B. c. Tabal, in the vicinity of 
the modern Marash, was his objective point ; in 837 
B. c. he renewed Assyrian authority over Milid (sect. 
144). In 832 B.C. his Turtan put down a rebel- 
lion in Patin. Thus the land route to the west and 
with it the rich trade of Asia Minor were secured for 
Assyria, and the civilization of the Tigris began di- 
rectly to affect the less advanced peoples of these 

180. The civil war in Assyria was not without 
influence in the west. Khindanu, on the western 
bank of the Euphrates, and Hamath are mentioned 
among the rebellious cities. Shamshi Adad gives no 
indication that he ever crossed the Euphrates, and 
the presumption is that Assyrian authority in these 
districts was at a discount. Adadnirari, however, has 
another story to tell. In the summary of his achieve- 
ments he says, " From above the Euphrates, Khatti, 
Akharri to its whole extent. Tyre, Sidon, the land 
of Omri, Edom, Palastu as far as the great sea of 
the setting sun I brought to submission, [and] taxes 
and tribute I laid upon them " (see ABL, p. 52). 
Special mention is made of an expedition to Damas- 
cus, where a certain Mari (Benhadad III. ?), who had 
succeeded to Hazael, was shut up in his capital, and 
compelled to submit and pay tribute. In the limu 
list the objective points of attack are Arpad (806 B. c), 
Azaz (805 B.C.), Bahli (804 B.C.), the seacoast 
(803 B.C.) that is, the Mediterranean (?), Man9uate 


(797 B.C.). The two former cities are in northern 
Syria, the others in the central region. It is impos- 
sible, therefore, to date the victory over Damascus, and 
to determine whether the king ever traversed Israel 
and Palestine with his armies, or merely received 
" tribute " from them. The latter is more probably the 
case. The situation suggested is the breaking down 
of the dominance of Damascus in the south, and the 
practical recovery of independence on the part of the 
southern communities, by the easy method of sending 
gifts to the Assyrian conqueror. The subjugation of 
Damascus would signify to the king authority over 
all the regions owning Damascene supremacy. It is 
thought that some indication of what this victory 
meant for Israel still lingers in the late passage of 
2 Kings xiii. 5, where the " saviour " may be 
identified with the Assyrian king. At any rate, as no 
expedition of Adadnirari after 797 B. c. is recorded, 
and Mancuate, situated not far from Damascus, was 
the objective point of that year, Israel, with its north- 
ern enemy weakened, was able to recover strength, 
and, unmolested by Assyrian authority, make head- 
way against its foes. Nor did the Assyrian kings 
that belong to the following years of decline disturb the 
southern states. A new centre of opposition to Assyria 
developed at Hatarika (Hadrach), south of Hamath, 
against which Ashurdan is said to have marched in 
772 B. c. and 765 b. c. Either he or his successor 
attacked it again in 755 B. c, and one expedition of 
Ashurnirari against Arpad took place the next year 
(754 B. c). It is evident that, if northern Syria 
remained faithful, the centml and southern regions 
were practically free from Assyrian control after the 


reign of Adadnirari III. It is easy to understand, 
therefore, how in this period so brilliant a reign 
as that of Jeroboam II. of Israel was possible (2 
Kings xiv. 23-29). 

181. The relations to the peoples of the northern 
and eastern frontier form a not less important phase 
of Assyrian history during this period. The moun- 
tain valleys through which the upper Tigris flows had 
been subjugated and brought under direct Assyrian 
control by AshurnaQirpal (sects. 159 f.) These gave 
the later kings little trouble. But the movements of 
peoples to the east and north of this district, already 
in progress in his time (sect. 159), had produced a 
remarkable change in the political situation. In the 
mountains from the southern slopes of which the 
Euphrates takes its rise, peoples were forming into 
a nation calling itself Khaldia, after the name of its 
god Khaldis, but to the Assyrians known as Urartu. 
They appear in history as they come down from the 
flanks of Ararat in the far northeast, or from homes 
on the banks of the Araxes, and move toward the 
southwest in the direction of Lake Van, attracted by 
the rich valleys on its eastern shore. Ashurna^irpal 
is the first to mention them as in this region, but does 
not fight with them. The first kings of the new nation 
were Lutipris and Sarduris I., followed whether 
immediately or not is uncertain by Arame. Under 
this ruler the state made great strides westwaixi 
and southward, controlling tlie valley north of the 
Taurus almost to Milid, and the eastern shores of 
Lake Van. Young, vigorous, aggressive, and eager 
for progress, Urartu was ready to take part in the 
larger life of the world. Already it bad borrowed 


from Assyria its alphabet (sect. 175), and was prepar- 
ing to dispute the older nation's pre-eminence in the 
northern lands. 

182. Disturbances in the northeast brought Shal- 
maneser II., in the year of his accession (860 b. c), 
into conflict with this new state. He traversed the 
land of Khubushkia, lying to the southwest of Lake 
Urmia, and thence fell upon Urartu. In 857 B. c, 
after defeating Akhuni on the Euphrates (sect. 178), 
he suddenly turned northward and marched along 
the western slope of Mount Masius over the Taurus 
to the upper waters of the Euphrates. Laying waste 
this region, he faced eastward and made for Urartu. 
Far up on the slopes of Ararat he destroyed Arzashku, 
Arame's capital, devastated the land and returned 
through Gilzan (Kirzan), on the northwestern shores 
of Lake Urmia, whence came the two-humped drome- 
daries, and through Khubushkia, coming out of the 
mountains above Arbela, a march of nearly a thousand 
miles. Similar expeditions from the sources of the 
Tigris to those of the Euphrates are recorded for 
845 B. c. and 833 b. c. The latter was under command 
of the Turtan. In the interval Arame had been 
succeeded by Sarduris II., whom the Turtan of 
Shalmaneser II. attacked again in 829 b. c. In the 
Ushpina of "Nairi," with whom the general of 
Sharashi Adad fought in 819 B. c, has been recognized 
Ishpuinis, successor of Sarduris II. The steady ex- 
pansion of Urartu toward the south and west in these 
years caused uneasiness among the peoples already 
settled along the Assyrian border, and compelled the 
kings to make many expeditions into districts which 
hitherto had not come within the range of Assyrian 


aggression. A large extension of Assyrian territory, 
therefore, is tmceable, although the' royal authority 
was not at all times very insistent. Thus appear the 
Mannai, to the west and northwest of Lake Urmia ; 
Mazamua and Parsua, to the south of the same lake, 
and the Madai, or Medians, further to the east. In 
these latter people is to be recognized the first wave of 
that Indo-European migration which was to exercise 
so important an influence upon the later history of 
Western Asia. It has been plausibly conjectured that 
the movement of the Medes from the steppes of cen- 
tral Asia had forced the advance of Urartu toward the 
south, and that, swinging off to the southeast, they were 
pressing on along the mountain barrier that overlooks 
the eastern Mesopotamian plain. As in the case of 
Urartu, so with them, the Assyrian kings, without 
being conscious of the magnitude of the interests 
involved, felt that they must be stopped, if Assyria 
was to keep its position in the oriental world. Adad- 
nirari III. marched against them in not less than eight 
campaigns. From him, indeed, they received more 
attention than did Urartu. The latter under the son of 
Ishpuinis, Menuas, pushed east, west, and north, from 
the A raxes to the land of the Khatti (Hittites) and 
Lake Urmia. His son Argistis I. passed beyond the 
Araxes in the north ; in the west he conquered Milid, 
and in the southeast overran the Mannai, Khubushkia, 
and Parsua. Shalmaneser III. for more than half 
his years fought with him without success. The 
Assyrians were compelled to see their northern 
and eastern provinces torn away by this vigorous 
rival, whose intrigues in the west were also threat- 
ening their possessions there. It was in this fierce 


storm of assault upon the outworks of the empire 
that the house of Ashurna^irpal III. and Shalma- 
neser II. fell. 

183. In summing up this epoch of Assyrian history, 
the first impression created is that of intense and 
superabounding energy. The long roll of military 
expeditions is kept up almost to the end. Where 
details are given, as in the reign of Shalmaneser II., 
these campaigns are seen to involve long marches, 
often in mountainous countries, and frequent battles 
with not insignificant antagonists. Both method and 
design in the expeditions are traceable, revealing the 
fact that they were planned in advance and with a 
broad outlook. The outcome of the whole was two- 
fold. On the one hand, was a significant extension of 
Assyrian territory. New regions were opened up. 
Thus Shalmaneser II. made Assyria dominant on 
Lake Urmia. It is inferred, from hints in the inscrip- 
tions of Adadnirari III., that he reached the Caspian 
sea. Indeed, a remarkable summary of the wide 
range of Assyrian predominance is given in the lauda- 
tory inscription of the latter king ; 

Who conquered from the mountain Siluna, toward 
the rising sun ... as far as the great sea of the rising 
of the sun ; from above the Euphrates, Khatti, Akharri 
to its whole extent, Tyre, Sidon, the country of Omri, 
Edom, Palastu as far as the great sea of the setting of the 
sun, I brought to submission, (and) taxes and tribute I 
placed on them. . . . The kings of Kaldu, all of them, 
became servants. Taxes (and) tribute for the future I 
placed on them. Babylon, Borsippa (and) Kutha sup- 
ported the decrees of Bel, Nabu (and) Nergal (Slab Insc, 
5-24; see ABL, pp. 51 f .). 


184. On tlie other hand, obstacles of a charactei* 
not hitherto encountered and, in part, rising out of 
the very policy of Assyria, confronted these kings. 
Nations, contemplated in their plans of conquest, 
began to unite for self-defence. To overcome this 
concentration of opposition called forth might and 
skill never before required. Assyrian pressure com- 
bined with movements of peoples as yet without the 
zone of historical knowledge, moulded border tribes 
into nations with national impulses and aspirations 
that rivalled those of the Assyrians themselves. New 
and vigorous tribes were at the same time brought 
upon the horizon of Assyrian territory. In grappling 
with such problems, the royal family, which had con- 
tributed so many warriors and statesmen to the throne 
of Assyria, found its strength failing and was con- 
strained to disappear. Would the state itself go 
down before the same combination of difficulties, or 
would it regather its energies, and, under other and 
abler leaders, rise superior to opposition and hold its 
place of predominance for years to come ? The next 
century contains the answer to this question. 



185. The gloomy outlook for the future of the 
Assyrian state, consequent upon the encroachments 
of hostile peoples from without and the inner convul- 
sions that shook the government and overthrew the 
ruling dynasty, was speedily transformed upon the 
accession of the new king. With him opens an in- 
spiring chapter of splendid Assyrian success. This 
sudden change makes it likely that the causes of 
disaster were due, not so much to decline in the 
energies of the body politic, as to the weakness 
or unwisdom of the later members of the ruling 
dynasty. It has been plausibly conjectured that 
these rulers identified their interests with the 
priestly class, the centre of whose power was the 
city of Assur and who dominated the commercial 
activities of the realm. As in Babylonia, the temple 
was the bank and the trading centre of every com- 
munity as well as the seat of the divine powers. 
Over against these heads of the spiritual and mer- 
cantile world stood the army, recruited chiefly from 
the free peasantry, and led by their local lords, as 
royal officers. The disasters on the frontiers brought 
commercial stringency, which, as in every ancient 
state, bore most heavily, not upon the men of wealth, 


but upon the poorer classes. The king unwisely 
threw himself into the hands of the priests. Sooner 
or later this attitude was bound to antagonize the 
army. King, priestly lords, and merchant princes 
went down before a rebellion, starting from Kalkhi, 
the seat of the army. The new king represented, 
therefore, the re-assertion of the strongest forces in 
the state, the native farmers and soldiers, led by the 
ablest general among them (Peiser in MVAG, I. 
161 f.; KAT3, 50 f.). 

186. It is significant that in his inscriptions no 
stress is laid by the new king upon his ancestral 
claims to the throne. In a popular leader this would 
be natural. Among his building activities no temples 
figure, and the long lists of gods who presided over 
the careers of his predecessors do not appear on his 
monuments. Ashur, the representative of the state 
as a conquering power, is his hero and lord, whose 
cult he established in the cities subjugated by him. 
His throne name was Tiglathpileser, chosen, pre- 
sumably, for its historical suggestions of the first 
great king of that name, rather than for its theologi- 
cal significance. In military vigor he was a worthy 
follower of his brilliant predecessor, and surpassed 
Iiim in statesmanlike foresight and achievement. 
Under his direction the tendencies and measures 
hitherto observed, looking to the incorporation of the 
subject peoples, were intensified and consummated. 
The Assyrian state was revived ; the Assyrian em- 
pire was founded. 

187. The memorials of the king consist of annals, 
which were written on the slabs adorning the walls 
of his palace at Kalkhi, and of laudatory inscriptions, 


containing summary records of his campaigns ar- 
ranged geographically. All were found in the royal 
mound at Kalkhi, with the exception of a few bricks 
from Nineveh which testify to the erection of a palace 
there. The palace at Kalkhi and its contents suf- 
fered a strange fate. To build it the king seems to 
have removed a smaller structure of Shalmaneser II., 
Avhich stood in the centre of the terrace, and to have 
greatly increased the size of the mound toward the 
south and w^est by extending it out into the Tigris. 
On the river side the mound was faced with alabaster 
blocks. The palace looked toward the north, where 
it had a portico in the Syrian style with pylons 
flanking the entrance. In construction it was distin- 
guished from former structures by a predominance of 
woodwork of cedar and cypress. Double doors with 
bands of bronze, like those of Shalmaneser II. at 
Imgur Bel (sect. 175), hung in carved gateways. 
" ' Palaces of joy, yielding abundance, bestowing 
blessing upon the king, causing their builder to hve 
long,' I called their names. ' Gates of righteous- 
ness, guiding the judgment of the prince of the four 
quarters of the world, making the tribute of the 
mountains and the seas to continue, causing the 
abundance of the lands to enter before the king their 
lord,' I named their gates " (ABL, p. 58). Whether 
on account of its rapid decay or to do despite to the 
usurper, a later king of another line, used the ma- 
terials of this structure for his own palace on the 
southwestern corner of the mound (sect. 236). The 
latter, however, was never finished, and to this fact 
is due the preservation of the fragments of the annals 
of Tiglathpileser III. on the slabs wliich had been 

15 , 


removed and redressed, preparatory to their use in 
the walls of the later building. This fragmentary 
and confused condition of his inscriptions makes the 
task of reconstructing the historical order and the de- 
tails of his activities difficult. No certain conclusions 
can in some instances be attained. Happily, the 
limu list for the king's reign is complete, and its brief 
notes form a basis for arranging the rest of the 
material. The contributions of the Old Testament, 
also, become now of special value. 

188. Nearly all of the eighteen years of the king's 
reign (745727 B. c.) were marked by campaigns on the 
various borders of the reahn. These expeditions were 
characterized, even more clearly than those of his pre- 
decessors, by imperial purposes. The world of Western 
Asia, in expanding its horizon, had become at the same 
time more simple in its political problems, owing to the 
disappearance of the multitudinous petty communities 
before the three or four greater racial or political 
unities that had come face to face with one another. 
In the south the Kaldi were becoming more eager to 
lay hold on Babylon. In the north Urartu was 
spreading out on every side to absorb the tribes that 
occupied the mountain valleys, and even to reach 
over into northern Syria. In the west the tendency 
to unification brought this or that state to the front, 
as the suzerain of the lesser cities of a wider territory, 
and the representative of organized opposition to 
invasion. Egypt was preparing again to appear on 
the scene and to recover its place as a world-power 
west of the Euphrates. Thus, everywhere, with the 
exception of the eastern mountain valleys where 
the Medes had not yet realized that nationality the 


advent of which was to mark the new order, the 
movement toward a larger unity, based on political 
rather than on racial grounds, was growing stronger. 
The politics of the day were international in a new 
and deeper sense, and the ideal of world-empire was 
appearing more and more distinctly, as the controlling 
powers assumed more concrete and imposing forms. 
Thus, while the details of Assyrian activities are 
more complex, the main issues in them are more 
easily grasped and followed. 

189. Tiglathpileser III. ascended the throne to- 
ward the last of April 745 B.C. Six months were 
occupied in establishing himself in his seat, and late 
in the year (September-October) he took an army 
to the south. Aramean tribes, forever moving rest- 
lessly across the southern Mesopotamian plain from 
the Euphrates to the Tigris, had grown bolder during 
these years, and, in spite of the endeavors of the 
Assyrian kings (sect. 177), had entered Babylonia, 
occupied the Tigris basin from the lower Zab to the 
Uknu, and were in possession of some of the ancient 
cities of Akkad. Aramean states were forming-, 
similar to those of western Mesopotamia which had 
been overcome with so much difficulty by Ashurna^ir- 
[)al III. and Shalmaneser II. The king fell upon 
the tribes furiously, blockaded and stormed the cities, 
drove the intruders from Dur Kurigalzu, Sippar, and 
Nippur, and deported multitudes to the northeastern 
mountains ; he also built two fortresses, dug out the 
canals, and organized the country under direct Assyr- 
ian rule. From Babylon, Borsippa, and Kutha came 
the priests of the supreme divinities, offering their 
rihliat (" gifts of homage " ?) to the deliverer, who 


returned to Assyria, claiming the ancient and proud 
title of " King of Shumer and Akkad." 

190. A natural corollary of this campaign was the 
expedition of the second year (744 B. c.) to the south- 
east, which, with the expedition of 737 B. c. to Media, 
completed the operations in the east. In this direc- 
tion the Assyrian armies reached Mount Demavend, 
which overlooks the southern coast of the Caspian 
sea. Fortresses were built, Assyrian rule established 
among the Namri, the restless Medes chastised, and 
made temporarily at least to respect the Assyrian 

191. The four years (743-740 B. c.) following the 
first eastern campaign were occupied in the west, 
where a striking illustration was given of the new 
international situation. All the region west of the 
Euphrates had practically been lost to Assyria in the 
last years of the house of AshurnaQirpal. The centre 
of reorganization in northern Syria was the city-state 
of Arpad, lying a few miles nortli of Khalman 
(Aleppo), the capital of King Mati'ilu of Agusi. 
That state had apparently succeeded in breaking up 
the formerly strong kingdom of Patin (sect. 165), 
the western part of which formed a separate prin- 
cipality called Unqi (Amq), and was, with the other 
contiguous districts, under the suzerainty of Aipad. 
The work of his predecessors must apparently be 
done over again by Tiglathpileser. But that was 
not all. Hardly had he reached the scene of opera- 
tions, when he learned that he must confront a more 
formidable antagonist in the king of Urartu. Not 
contented with robbing Assyria of her tributaries on 
the northern frontier from Lake Urmia to Cilicia, the 


armies of Urartu had descended through the valleys 
along the upper Euphrates, overran Qummukh, and 
were supporting the north Syrian states in opposition 
to Assyria. The Urartian throne was occupied at 
this time by Sarduris III., successor of the brilliant 
conqueror, Argistis I. (sect. 182). He had advanced 
over the mountains into the upper Euphrates valley 
as the Assyrian king moved westward into Syria. 
Whether Tiglathpileser III. had already reached 
Arpad is not clear, but, if so, he retraced his steps, 
and crossing again the Euphrates, marched northward 
into Qummukh, where his unexpected arrival and 
sudden attack threw the army of Sarduris III. into 
confusion. The king himself barely escaped and, 
with the relics of his force, ignominiously fled north- 
ward over the mountains, pursued by the Assyrians 
as far as the " bridge of the Euphrates." This defeat 
effectually cured Sarduris of meddling in Syrian 
politics, but by no means crippled the resistance of 
the Syrian states under Mati'ilu. Three years longer 
the struggle went on before Arpad. It must have 
fallen in 740 B. c. The fragments of the annals give 
only scattered names of kings and states that hastened 
to pay their homage after its overthrow. Qummukh, 
Gurgum, Karkhemish, Qui, Damascus, Tyre, are 
mentioned in the list, to which in all probability- 
should be added Milid, Tabal, Samal, and Hamath. 
Tutammu of Unqi held out and was severely punished. 
His kingdom was made an Assyrian province, as 
was doubtless the former state of Agusi. Thus aU 
of northern Syria again became Assyrian territory, 
and the chief states of the central region paid 


192. In 738 B.C. the king made another step 
forward in the west. Middle Syria, about Hamath, 
became involved in trouble with Assyria. Just how 
this arose it is very difficult to understand, owing to 
the confused and fragmentary condition of the in- 
scriptions. They mention a certain Azriyau of Jaudi, 
as inciting these districts to rebellion against the 
king. At first thought, this personage would seem 
identical with Azariah (Uzziah) of Judah ; but 
chronological and historical obstacles outweigh the 
probability of this view, and serve, with other more 
positive considerations, to lead to the conclusion 
that the state of Jaudi was situated in northern 
Syria, adjoining and at times a part of Samal. A 
prince of this state, Panammu, the son of Karal, had 
already headed an uprising against the reigning king, 
Bar-^ur, and cut him off with seventy of his house, 
though, unfortunately, as it proved for the new ruler, 
a son of Bar-gur, also called Panammu, succeeded in 
making his escape. It is not unlikely that Azriyau 
was a successor of the ambitious usurper and, as lord 
of Jaudi and Samal, was seeking, like so many other 
princes, to make his principality the centre of a larger 
Syrian state. This would inevitably bring him into 
hostility to Assyria. But, with considerable shrewd- 
ness, he sought to avoid conflict as long as possible by 
intriguing with cities of middle Syria as yet unvisited 
by Tiglathpileser III., among which the most promi- 
nent was the city of Kullani. The Assyrian king 
overthrew the rebel leader, devastated the districts 
about Hamath, and placed them under an Assyrian 
governor. Subject states hastened to pay tribute. 
Among them, besides the rulers of northern and 


central Syrian states already mentioned (sect. 191), 
appeared Menahem, king of Israel, and Zabibi, queen 
of Arabia. Panammu of Jaudi and Samal, the second 
of that name, had, it seems, fled to Tiglathpileser, 
and now reaped his reward in being placed upon his 
father's throne as a vassal of Assyria. His name 
appears on the tribute list. This was also in all 
probability, the occasion referred to in 2 Kings xv. 
19, 20, where Tiglathpileser is called by his Baby- 
lonian throne name, Pul (sect. 198). The accept- 
ance of Menahem's gift by the Assyrian, as recorded 
in that passage, may well have been regarded in Israel 
as " confirming " him in the kingdom, and as a de- 
liverance of the land from the presence of the Assyr* 
ian army. 

193. With the western states thus pacified, Tiglath- 
pileser turned his attention to his northern enemy 
whom he had so vigorously ejected from Qummukh 
in 743 B. c. The campaigns of 739 b. c. and 736 B. c. 
in the Nairi country may have been intended as 
preparatory essaj^s in this direction, re-establishing, as 
they did, Assyrian authority as far as the southern 
shores of Lake Van. The expedition of 735 b. c. 
made straight for the heart of Urartu. There is no 
definite indication as to the route taken, whether the 
Assyrian came in from the west or from the south- 
east. The capital of Urartu, by this time pushed 
forward to the eastern shore of the lake in the vicinity 
of the present city of Van, was called Turuspa. It 
consisted of a double city, the lower town spread out 
along the rich vallejs and the citadel perched upon 
a lofty rock that jutted out into the lake. The 
Assyrians destroyed the lower town, but besieged the 


citadel in vain. At last, having ravaged and ruined 
the country far and wide, from the lakes to the 
Euphrates as far as Qummukh, they retired, leaving 
to Sarduris III. a desolate land and an impoverished 
people. The years of Assyrian humiliation were 
thus amply avenged. 

194. After three years of peace in the west, Tiglath- 
pileser III. was again called thither in 734 B. c. The 
occasion was one of which the Assyrians had else- 
where often taken advantage. In Israel a new king, 
Pekah, had joined with Rezon, king of Damascus 
(2 Kings xvi. 5 ; Isa. vii. 1 f.), and the princes of 
the Philistine cities (2 Chron. xxviii. 18), chief 
of whom was Hanno of Gaza, in a vigorous attack 
upon the little kingdom of Judah. Edom, also, took 
up arms against her (2 Chron. xxviii. 17). It 
has been conjectured that these states had organized 
a league to resist Assyrian aggression, and were 
seeking to force Judah to join it. But of this there 
is no evidence. The real purpose seems to have been 
to take advantage of the weakness of Judah, and of 
the youth and incapacity of Ahaz its king, to plunder 
and divide the country among the assailants. In his 
extremity, Ahaz, in opposition to the urgent advice 
of Isaiah the prophet (Isa. vii. 3 ff.), determined to 
appeal to Tiglathpileser III., preferring vassalage to 
Assyria to the almost certain loss of kingdom and 
life at the hands of the league. The Assyrian king 
seems promptly to have responded to so attractive an 
invitation to interfere in the affairs of Palestine, 
hitherto undisturbed by his armies. For three years 
(734-732 B. c.) he campaigned from Damascus to the 
border of Egypt. The order of events cannot be 


determined with certainty. The limu list gives for 
73-i B. c. an expedition against Philistia. This sug- 
gests that he made in that year a rapid march to the 
far south in order to relieve Judah from the immedi- 
ate and pressing danger of overthrow at the hands 
of her enemies, and then proceeded at his leisure to 
punish them, beginning with the nearest, the Philis- 
tines. Gaza suffered the most severely ; Hanno fled 
southward to Mugri; the city was plundered, but a 
vassal king was set up, perliaps Hanno himself, on 
making his submission. The other cities yielded 
without much resistance. 

195. Israel next received attention. The Book of 
Kings (2 Kings xv. 29) tells how all Israel, north 
of the plain of Esdraelon, and east of the Jordan, was 
overrun. Pekah had thrown himself into his cita- 
del of Samaria, where the Assyrian king would 
have soon beleaguered him and taken possession 
of the rest of the country, had not a conspiracy 
broken out in which Pekah was killed, and Hosliea, 
its leader, made king. His immediate submission 
to Tiglathpileser III. was accepted, and his posi- 
tion as vassal king confirmed. The northern half 
of his kingdom remained, however, in Assyrian 

196. In dealing with Damascus, Tiglathpileser 
III. first defeated Rezon in the field, and then shut 
him up in the city. How long the siege lasted is 
uncertain. The entire district was mercilessly de- 
vastated. During the siege Panammu II. of Samal, 
who brought his troops to the aid of his Assyrian 
suzerain, died, and his son and successor, Bar Rekub, 
thus records the event upon the funeral stele : 


Moreover my father Panammii died while following 
his lord, Tiglathpileser, king of Assyria, in the camp 
. . . And the heir of the kingdom bewailed him. And all 
the camp of his lord, the king of Assyria, bewailed him. 
And his lord, the king of Assyria, (afflicted) his soul, and 
held a weeping for him on the way; and he brought my 
father from Damascus to this place. In my days (he 
was buried), and all his house (bewailed) him. And 
me, Bar Kekub, son of Panammu, because of the 
righteousness of my father, and because of my righteous- 
ness, my lord (the king of Assyria) seated upon (the 
throne) of my father, Panammu, son of Bar-qur ; and I 
have erected this monument for my father, Panammu, 
son of Bar-Qur. 

The Assyrian account of the capture of the city 
has not been preserved, but the summary statement 
of 2 Kings xvi. 9 tells what must have been the 
final result : " The king of Assyria . . . took it and 
carried (the people of) it captive to Kir and slew 
Rezin." The kingdom of Damascus was destroyed, 
and the district became an Assyrian province. 

197. In the course of the three years other states 
of middle Syria and Palestine came under Assyrian 
authority. Samsi, Queen of Arabia, who had with- 
held her tribute, was followed into the deserts, and, 
after the defeat of her warriors, paid for her rebellion 
with the loss of many camels, and the assignment 
of an, Assyrian qipu^ or resident, to her court. Other 
Arabian tribes to the southwest, among whom the 
Sabeans appear, sent gifts, and, as qipu over the 
region of Mu^ri, a certain Idibi'il was appointed. In 
the tribute list of the years 734-732 b. c. appear the 
kings of Ammon, Moab, Edom, and various cities of 


Phoenicia, hitherto independent. Even the king of 
Tyre, Mitinna, was compelled to recognize Assyrian 
suzerainty with a payment of one hundred and fifty 
talents of gold. The authority of Tiglathpileser III. 
was supreme from the Taurus to the Gulf of Aqaba 
and beyond. To slight it meant instant punishment. 
The king of Tabal, in the far north, ventured to 
absent himself from the king's presence, and was 
promptly deposed by the royal official. The king of 
Askalon, encouraged by the resistance of Rezon, 
suffered his zeal for Assyria to cool, and merely the 
news of the fall of Damascus threw him into a fit 
of sickness which forced him to resign his throne 
to his son whom the Assyrian king graciously per- 
mitted to ascend it. Ahaz of Judah, according to 
2 Kings xvi. 10 ff., paid his homage in person to 
his lord Tiglathpileser III. in Damascus after the 
fall of that city, and caused to be built in Jerusalem 
a model of the Assyrian altar, set up in the Syrian 
capital for the worship of Assyrian gods. It has been 
thought, not without reason, that the biblical narra- 
tive intimates that this Jerusalem altar was prepared 
for the use of the Assyrian king himself, who honored 
his Judean vassal with a personal visit to his capital 
(Klostermann, Komm. Sam. u. Kon., in loc). Such 
a visit was certainly due to that king whose personal 
appeal to Tiglathpileser III. had opened the way for 
this unprecedented extension of Assyrian power. 

198. It was reserved for the last years of this 
vigorous king to see the crowning achievement of 
his vast ambitions. Thirteen years had passed since 
he had entered Babylonia and re-established Assyrian 
suzerainty over that ancient kingdom. Meanwhile 


NabunaQir (sect. 177) had been succeeded (in 734 b. c.) 
by his son, Nabunadinziri (Nadinu), and he after two 
years was killed by one of his officials, who became 
king under the name of Nabushumukin. This usur- 
pation was sufficient pretext for the interference of 
the Kaldi. Ukinzir, chief of the Kaldean principality 
of Bit Amukani, swept the pretender out of the way 
two months after his usurpation, and seated himself 
on the Babylonian throne (732 B.C.). On Tiglath- 
pileser's return from the west he must needs inter- 
vene to restore Assyrian influence. In 731 B. c. he 
advanced against Ukinzir, moving down the Tigris to 
the gulf, and attacking Bit Amukani. He shut the 
Kaldean up in his capital, Sapia, cut down the palm- 
trees and ravaged his land and that of other neighbor- 
ing princes. Evidently he found the enterprise a 
serious one, for he remained in Assyria the next year, 
preparing, it seems, for a decisive stroke. The cam- 
paign of 729 B. c. resulted in the capture of Sapia and 
the complete overthrow of Ukinzir, who disappeared 
from the scene. Among the Kaldean princes who 
offered gifts to the victor was a certain Mardukbalid- 
din, chief of Bit Jakin, far down on the gulf, who is 
to be heard of again in the years to come. With the 
passing of the usurper, the Babylonian throne was 
vacant, and in 728 B. c. the Assyrian king " took the 
hands of Bel " as rightful heritor of the prize. Not 
as Tiglathpileser, but as Pulu, either his own per- 
sonal name or a Babylonian throne-name, did he reign 
as Babylonian king. The cause of this change of 
name is thought by some to be a rescript of Babylonian 
law, which forbade a foreign king to rule Babylon 
except as a Babylonian. It may be that the compli- 


cated mass of legal and ritual requirements which in 
the course of the centuries had gathered about the 
position of the king of Babylon made it necessary, 
particularly in the case of the Assyrian ruler, to dis- 
tinguish thus formally between his authority in the 
two countries. In his native land he was political 
and mihtary head ; in Babylon his authority consisted 
chiefly in his relation to the gods and their priesthoods. 
As such, the new position may be considered as much 
a burden as an honor, and Maspero thinks that this 
act of Tiglathpileser III. saddled Assyria with a 
heavy load. On the other hand, it marks the cul- 
mination of the centuries of struggle between the 
motherland of immemorial culture and the younger 
and more aggressive military state of the north. It 
was the attainment of the goal toward which, with 
deep sentiment and inextinguishable expectation, king 
after king of Assyria had been striving, and which 
Tukulti Ninib five centuries before had achieved 
(sect. 121). To rule and guard the ancient home at 
the mouth of the rivers, as suzerain of its kings, was 
not enough ; it was far worthier to assume in person 
the holy crown, to administer the sacred laws, to come 
face to face with the ancestral gods, and to mediate 
between them and mankind. Something of this feel- 
ing may have come to Tiglathpileser III. at this 
supreme moment. He enjoyed the honor only a little 
over a year, however, for in 727 B. c. he died, and in 
his stead Shalmaneser IV. became king in the two 

199. Tiglathpileser III., in his eighteen years of 
ruling, had succeeded in raising Assyria from a 
condition of degenerate impotence to be the first power 


of the ancient world, with an extent of territory and 
an efficiency of administration never before attained. 
He combined admirable military skill and energy with 
a genius for organization, to which former kings had 
not, indeed, been by any means strangers, but which 
they had not exercised with such ability, or with 
results so solid. The custom of establishing fortified 
posts in conquered countries and of appointing 
military officials to represent Assyrian authority in 
them was continued by Tiglathpileser III., but it is 
his merit* to have undertaken to attach these sub- 
jugated lands much more closely to Assyria, and to 
give these officials much more significant administra- 
tive duties. Taking as a basis the local unit of the 
city and the land dependent upon it, he united a not 
too large number of these districts under a single 
government official, called, ordinarily, the sJiupar- 
shakuy whose duty it was to administer the affairs of 
these districts in immediate dependence on the court. 
As such, he was called bel pikhati^ " lord of the dis- 
tricts." In other words, the king introduced a 
system of provincial government corresponding to 
the social and political organization of the Semitic 
world. Of these provinces, two were established in 
eastern Babylonia, two in the eastern highlands, one 
in northern Syria out of the kingdom of Unqi 
(sect. 191), two in central Syria, that of Damascus, 
and that of the nineteen districts about Hamath, two 
in Phoenicia, and one in northern Israel. The col- 
lection of a regular tribute and the preservation of 
order were, as before, the chief duties of these 
provincial officers. They served also as protectors 
of the districts from attack, and as guardians of 


Assyrian interests in surrounding tributary states. 
Such tributary states with their vassal kings were 
permitted to continue on the same terms as of old. 
Tiglathpileser III. also followed his predecessors in 
the custom of carrying away the peoples of conquered 
lands, but his genius is seen in the system and method 
introduced. In the first place, the deportations were 
made on an immensely larger scale, and, second, the 
majority of those deported were sent, not to Assyria 
as before, but to other regions already subjugated. 
In other words, immense exchanges of conquered 
populations were made by him. Thus, more than 
one hundred and thirty-five thousand persons were 
removed from Babylonia, sixty-five thousand from 
the eastern highlands, seventy thousand from the 
northern highlands, and thirty thousand from the 
districts about Hamath, and these are not all that 
the inscriptions mention. The Syrians were taken to 
the north and east ; the Babylonians to Syria. The 
result of this policy was to remove the dangers of 
insurrection arising out of local or national spirit, 
and to strengthen the Assyrian administration in the 
provinces. It has been admirably stated by Maspero 
as follows : 

The colonists, exposed to the same hatreds as the 
original Assyrian conquerors, soon forgot to look upon 
the latter as the oppressors of all, and, allowing their 
present grudge to efface the memory of past injuries, did 
not hesitate to make common cause with them. In 
time of peace the governor did his best to protect them 
against molestation on the part of the natives, and in 
return fr this they rallied round him whenever the 
latter threatened to get out of hand, and helped him to 


stifle the revolt, or hold it in check until the arrival of 
reinforcements* Thanks to their help, the empire was con- 
solidated and maintained without too many violent out- 
breaks in regions far removed from the capital, and 
beyond the immediate reach of the sovereign (Passing 
of the Empires, pp. 200, 201). 

200. Receiving from the hands of so able an 
administrator an empire thus organized, Shalmaneser 
IV. might look forward to a long and successful 
reign. Certain badly mutilated inscriptions, if they 
have been read correctly by modern scholars, indicate 
that he was the son of Tiglathpileser III. and had 
already been entrusted by him with the governorship 
of a Syrian province. No inscriptions of his own 
throwing light upon his reign have been discovered. 
Tliis is not strange, as the limu list indicates that his 
reign lasted but five years (727-722 B.C.) The 
Babylonian Chronicle states that he succeeded to the 
Babylonian throne, and the Babylonian kings' list 
gives his throne name as Ulula'a. The liinu list, 
containing the brief references to campaigns, is here 
badly mutilated and affords little help. All the more 
important, therefore, are the biblical " statements 
concerning his relations to Israel, and a difficult 
passage of Menander of Tyre (in Josephus, Ant., IX. 
14, 2) in regard to his dealings with that city. 

201. The west had been quiet since the decisive 
settlement of its affairs made by Tiglathpileser III. 
in 732 B. c. (sect. 197). The accession of Shalmaneser 
IV. was generally acquiesced in, and tribute was 
promptly paid. The Babylonian Chronicle mentions 
the destruction of the city of Sabarahin (in Syria?, 
Ezek. xlvii. 16), which may have taken place in 


his first year (727 b. c), at which time the payment 
of tribute by Hoshea of Israel (2 Kings xvii. 3) 
may have been made. The year 726 B. c. was spent 
by the king at home. The policy of Tiglathpileser 
III. seemed to insure the fidelity and peace of the 
empire. Trouble, however, soon appeared among the 
tributary kings of Palestine, owing to the intrigues 
of a certain " Sewe (So), king of Egypt (Migraim)," 
(2 Kings xvii. 4), the Assyrian equivalent for 
whose name is probably Shabi. According to some 
scholars, the trouble was made by the north Arabian 
kingdom of Mugri over which Tiglathpileser III. 
had appointed a qipu (sect. 197). Whatever may be 
the solution of that question, the results of the intrigue 
were successful. Hoshea of Israel refused to pay 
tribute, and it is probable that the king of Tyre 
followed suit. Shalmaneser IV. came upon the 
ground in 725 B. c. Menander states that he " over- 
ran the whole of Phoenicia, and then marched away 
after he had made treaties and peace with all ; " and a 
broken inscription, containing a treaty of the king 
of Tyre with a later Assyrian king appears to sub- 
stantiate this account (Winckler, AOF, IL, i, 15) 
so far as the submission of Tyre is concerned. 

202. Israel was not as easily mastered. Hoshea 
and his nobles saw clearly that no mercy could be 
hoped for, in the face of their repeated contumacy* 
and prepared for the worst. They threw themselves 
into Samaria, hoping to be able to hold out until 
their allies brought them relief. By 724 B. c. the 
blockade began. No help came, yet still they defied 
the Assyrian army. The country must have been 
utterly laid waste. The siege continued through 



the year 723 B.C. The next year Shalmaneser IV. 
died. The circumstances are not known. The 
rebellious and beleaguered capital was left to be 
dealt with by his successor, Sargon, who ascended 
the throne in January of 722 b. c. 


SARGON 11. 722-706 B.C. 

203. Although Sargon gives no indication in his 
inscriptions that he was related by blood to his im- 
mediate predecessors, the fact that he ascended the 
throne without opposition in the month that Shalma- 
neser IV. died, shows that he was no usurper, but 
was recognized as the logical successor of that king. 
In his foreign politics and his administrative activity 
he followed in the footsteps of Tiglathpileser III., and 
thereby carried forward the empire to a height of 
splendor, solidity, and power hitherto unattained. In 
one respect, indeed, and that a very important one, 
it is claimed that he reversed the policy of the two 
preceding kings. He favored the commercial and 
hierarchical interests as over against the peasantry 
(sects. 185 f.). I, "who preserved the supremacy of 
(the city) Assur which had ceased," and " extended " 
my " protection over Haran and in accordance with 
the will of Anu and Dagan wrote its charter," are 
two statements in his cylinder inscription which, as 
doing honor to these centres of priestly rule, illustrate 
his friendly attitude toward the hierarchy and their 
interests. His name in one of its forms, Sharru- 
ukin, " the king has set in order," may embody a 
reference to this policy, which he conceived of as a 
restoration of the old order, the re-establishment of 


justice and right, ignored by his predecessors. While 
the king's opposition to them may not have been so 
intense or express as to warrant the claim that he 
deliberately threw himself into the hands of the 
other party, facts like those already mentioned and 
others, which will later appear, are explicable from 
this point of view. 

204. The abounding religiosity of his inscriptions 
is in manifest contrast to the ritual barrenness of 
those of Tiglathpileser III. Long passages glorify 
the gods, whose names make up a pantheon sur- 
passing in number and variety those of any preceding 
ruler. A devotion to ecclesiastical archaeology, char- 
acteristic of a priestly regime, appears in the resusci- 
tation of old cults like that of Ningal, the recognition 
of half-forgotten divine names such as Damku, 
Sharru-ilu, and Shanitka (?). The reappearance of 
the triad of Ann, Bel, and Ea (sect. 89) suggests 
a revival of the old orthodoxy. Sin, Shamash, Ninib, 
and Nergal are honored with temple, festival, or gift. 
As though in express contrast with Tiglathpileser 
(sect. 187), though perhaps unconsciously, Sargon, 
when he built his lordly palace and city, gave its 
gates names which testified directly to the over- 
mastering power and presence of the gods and 
illustrate the extent of his pantheon. 

In front and behind, on both sides, in the direction 
of the eight winds I opened eight city-gates : " Shamash, 
who granted to me victory," " Adad, who controls its 
prosperity," I named the gates of Shamash and Adad 
on the east side ; " Bel, who laid the foundation of my 
city," "Belit, who gives riches in abundance," I named 
the gates of Bel and Belit on the north side ; " Anu, who 


gave success to the work of my hands," '^ Ishtar, who 
causes its people to flourish," I made the names of the 
gates of Anu and Ishtar on the west side ; ^' Ea, who 
controls its springs," "Belit-ilani, who grants to it 
numerous offspring," I ordered to be the names of the 
gates of Ea and Belit-ilani on the south side. (I called) 
its inner wall "Ashur, who granted long reign to the 
king, its builder, and protected his armies ; " and its 
outer wall " Ninib, who laid the foundation of the new 
building for all time to come" (Cyl. Inscr., 66-71). 

205. The siege of Samaria, a bequest of Shalma- 
neser IV. (sect. 202),. was in its final stage when 
Sargon became king, and the city fell in the last 
months of 722 B. c. The flower of the nation, to the 
number of twenty-seven thousand two hundred and 
ninety persons, was deported to Mesopotamia and 
Media. The rest of the people were left in the wasted 
land, and a shuparshaku (sect. 199) was appointed to 
administer it as an Assyiian province. Later in the 
king's reign, captives from Babylonia and Syria were 
settled there. 

206. Sargon could hardly have been present at the 
fall of Samaria, though, doubtless, the measures 
connected with its organization into a province were 
directed by him. The necessary adjustments of his 
home government and, particularly, the problem of 
Babylonia would require his presence in Assyria. 
Three months after his accession in Assyria, he 
would have to be in Babylon on New Year's day 
(Nisan) to " take the hands of Bel " as lawful 
Babylonian king. But what must have been an un- 
expected obstacle brought his purpose to naught. 
Tiglathpileser's annihilation of the Kaldean prin- 


cipality of Bit Amukani (sect. 198) had served to 
consolidate and strengthen the power of another 
Kaldean prince, Mardukbaliddin, of Bit Jakin, 
who at that time had paid rich tribute and now 
pressed forward to seize the vacant throne. He was 
supported, if not in his claims to the throne, at least 
in his opposition to Assyria, by Elam, a power which 
for centuries had not interfered in the affairs of the 
Mesopotamian valley. The Babylonian kings' list, 
indeed, records the rule of an Elamite over Babylon 
somewhere in the eleventh century, but nothing is 
known of his relation to the Elamite kingdom. Two 
new forces brought Elam upon the scene, and made 
it, from this time forth, an important element in 
Babylonio-Assyrian politics. First, the pressure of 
the new peoples from the far east, represented by the 
Medes in the northeastern mountains, was being felt 
in the rear of Elam, insensibly cramping and irri- 
tating the eastern and northern Elamites and forcing 
them westward. Second, the aggressive campaign of 
Tiglathpileser III. against the Aramean tribes on 
the lower Tigris had cleared that indeterminate 
region between the two countries and brought the 
frontier of Assyria up to the border of Elam. Colli- 
sion was, therefore, as inevitable as between Assyria 
and the Median tribes farther north. Elam entered 
promptly into the complications of Babylonian politics 
and naturall}^ took the anti-Assyrian side. While 
Mardukbaliddin advanced northward, Khumbanigash, 
the Elamite king, descended from the highlands and 
laid siege to Dur Ilu, a fortress on the lower Tigris. 
Sargon moved rapidly down the east bank of the 
river and engaged the Elamite army before the 


Kaldeans came up. The result of the battle was 
indecisive, a fact which practically meant defeat for 
the Assyrians. After punishing some Aramean tribes 
that had taken the side of the Kaldi and transport- 
ing them to the far west (Samaria), he turned back, 
leaving Mardukbaliddin to the possession of Babylon 
and the kingship, which he assumed in the lawful 
fashion on the first day of the new year (Bab. Chr., 
I. 32). 

207. This serious set-back in Babylonia involved, 
at the beginning of Sargon's reign, a loss of prestige 
that had its effect upon all sides. It encouraged 
the rivals of Assyria to intrigue more actively in the 
provinces, and gave new heart to those among the 
subject peoples inclined to rebellion. In the west, 
Egypt, after centuries of impotence, was ready to 
engage in the affairs of the larger world. The in- 
numerable petty princes who had divided up the 
imperial power among them had been formed into 
two groups, one, the southern group, under the 
dominance of Ethiopia ; the other, the northern group, 
under the authority of the prince of Sais, a certain 
Tefnakht. His son, Bok-en-renf (Greek, Bocchoris), 
unified his power yet more distinctly. He has gained 
a place in the Manethonian list as the sole representa- 
tive of the twenty-fourth dynasty. About the year 
722 B. c. he assumed the rank of Pharaoh. Shut off 
from the south by his Ethiopian rivals, he looked 
to the north for the extension of his power, and 
naturally began to interfere in the affairs of Syria,; 
whither, both by reason of immemorial Egyptian 
claims to the suzerainty and in view of commercial 
interests, his hopes were directed. His representative^ 


began to appear at the courts of the vassal kings, 
and made large promises of Egyptian aid to those 
who would throw off the Assyrian yoke. Already 
representations of this sort had induced Hoshea 
of Israel to refuse the tribute, though in his case 
rebellion had been disastrous (sect. 201). Now a 
new conspiracy was formed, and the unlucky Baby- 
lonian campaign of Sargon gave the occasion for its 
launching. A certain Ilubidi, also called Jaubidi of 
Hamath, a man of the common people, usually the 
greatest sufferers from Assyrian oppression, had suc- 
ceeded in deposing the king of that city, and took the 
throne as representing the anti- Assyrian party. He 
secured adherents in the provinces of Arpad, ^imirra, 
Damascus, and Samaria. Allied with him was Hanno 
of Gaza, who was ready to try once more the danger- 
ous game, relying upon his Bedouin friends. Gaza, 
the end of the caravan routes from south and east, 
was a centre of trade for the Bedouin, and they were 
likewise hampered by Assyrian authority. Among 
these Arabian communities were the Mugri, already 
referred to (sect. 197), the likeness of whose name 
to that of Egjrpt .(MuQur) probably led the Assyrian 
scribes into a confusion of the two peoples, which 
was encouraged by the geographical proximity of 
the localities. This confusion appears also in the 
Hebrew writings, where Sewe (So) is called "king 
of Egypt " (Migraim) rather than of Mugri ; here it 
is due to the fact that the impulse to conspiracy came 
from the Egyptians, although the Mugri were mem- 
bers of the league against Assyria (sect. 201). 

208. Sargon hastened to the west in 720 B. c. and 
took the rebels in detail. Ilubidi was met at Qarq^ar, 


where the king defeated, captured, and flayed him 
alive. Sargon pushed southward and fought the 
southern army at Rapikhi (Raphia). Shabi (Sibi, 
Sewe, So), called, by a mixture of titles in the Assyrian 
account, "turtan of Piru (Pharaoh), king of Mugri," 
a statement which has led some scholars to regard 
him as a petty Egyptian prince under the Pharaoh, 
fled into the desert " like a shepherd whose sheep 
have been taken." Hanno was captured and brought 
to Assur. Nine hundred thirty- three people were de- 
ported. The Arabian chiefs offered tribute, Piru of 
Mugri, Samsi of Aribi, and Itamara of Saba. The re- 
bellion was crushed, punishments were duly inflicted, 
and provinces were reorganized. Having clearly de- 
monstrated the consequences of revolt from Assyria, 
Sargon returned home. Seven years passed before 
trouble appeared again in Palestine, stirred up from 
the same sources as before. In the intervening period 
Sargon had, according to his annals, in 715 B. c. mad 
an expedition into Arabia in consequence of which 
Piru of Mugri, Samsi of Aribi, and Itamara of 
Saba again paid tribute. The Pharaoh, Bocchoris, 
had fallen before the aggressive Ethiopian king, 
Shabako, who about 715 b. c. united all Egypt 
under his sway, and ruled as the first Pharaoh of the 
twenty-fifth djmasty. He did not wait long before 
undertaking the same measures as the Saite king to 
extend Egyptian influence in Asia. His agents 
began their work at all the vassal courts in Palestine. 
In Judah, Edom, Moab, and the Philistine cities, 
Egyptian sympathizers were found everywhere. Pro- 
posals were made for a league between these states. 
In Judah the chief opponent of this policy was th^ 

250 . ASSYRIA 

prophet Isaiah, who was moved to the strange 
action mentioned in Isaiah xx. 2. He kept it up for 
three years, at the end of which time the air had 
cleared. In Ashdod King Azuri openly favored the 
new movement, but so vigilant were the Assyrians 
that he was promptly deposed, and his brother Akh- 
imiti substituted. This seems only to have added 
fuel to the flame, and by 711 B. c. the fire broke out. 
Akhimiti was overthrown ; the leader of the merce- 
naries, a man from Cyprus, was made king, and 
allegiance to Assyria thrown off. The Assyrian, how- 
ever, was now wide awake, and the conspirators were 
again taken unprepared. Sargon sent some of his 
finest troops in a forced march to Ashdod. The 
rebel leader was driven from his city before his allies 
could gather, and fled into the desert, where, in the 
fastnesses of the Sinaitic peninsula, he fell into the 
hands of a chieftain of Milukhkha, who delivered 
liim up to the Assyrians. Ashdod and its dependen- 
cies, Gath and Ashdudimma, were put under a 
provincial government. Judah, Edom, and Moab 
hastened to assure the Assyrian of their faithfulness, 
and fresh gifts were required of them by way of 
punishment for their evil inclinations. Some time 
later, even Ashdod was permitted to resume its own 
government under a king Mitinti. Another instruc- 
tive evidence had been given the Palestinians of the 
folly of seeking the aid of " Pharaoh of Egypt, a king 
who could not save them." 

209. By far the greater number of Sargon's ex- 
peditions were directed toward the north, and occa- 
sioned by the renewed efforts of the kingdom of 
Urartu to unite the northern tribes against the 


Assyrians. Sarduris III. had left Assyria in peace 
after his punisliinent by Tiglathpileser III. in 735 
B. c. (sect. 193), and was succeeded about 780 B. c. 
by Rusas I., called in the Assyrian inscriptions 
Rusa or Ursa. Under his vigorous and ambitious 
measures, Urartu entered upon its supreme effort 
for the control of the north and the overthrow of 
Assyrian supremacy. A combination was formed 
of states ^extending from the upper Mediterranean to 
the eastern shores of Lake Urmia, and the struggle 
that ensued lasted, in its various ramifications, for 
more than ten years (719-708 B. c). The eastern 
peoples were led by Urartu itself ; in the west the 
Mushki were the leading spirits under their king, 
Mita; both nations, however, evidently in mutual 
understanding and sympathy ^sought the same ends 
and used the same means. 

210. After the humiliation of Urartu, Tiglath- 
pileser III. had sought to build up, in the district 
between the two lakes, Van and Urmia, a kingdom 
which, in close dependence on Assyria, would offset 
the influence of Urartu. This was the kingdom of 
the Mannai, which had already attained some degree 
of unity under its king, Iranzu, and controlled a 
number of principalities, among which were Zikirtu, 
Uishdish, and Bit Daiukki. Unable to break down 
Iranzu's fidelity to Assyria, Rusas succeeded in 
drawing away the principalities from their allegiance 
and even detached some cities of the Mannai from 
Iranzu. Sargon promptly punished these latter in 
719 B. c. In 716 Iranzu was succeeded by his son 
Aza, whose declared fidelity to his Assyrian overlord 
provoked a storm. The chiefs of the rebellious 


principalities succeeded in having him murdered, 
and raised Bagdatti of Uishdish to the throne. Sargon 
appeared again upon the scene, seized Bagdatti and 
flayed him alive. The rebels raised to the throne 
Ullusunu, brother of Bagdatti, who, after a brief 
struggle, submitted to Sargon and was permitted to 
remain king. The next year, 715 B. c, under the in- 
fluence of Rusas, Daiukki, chief of another Mannean 
principality, rebelled against Ullusunu and was de- 
ported by Sargon. Expeditions to the east and south- 
east carried Sargon's armies among the Medes, who 
were evidently pressing more closely upon the moun- 
tain barrier and absorbing the tribes of that region. 
The campaign of 714 b. c. brought him face to face 
with Rusas himself. He entered Zikirtu, overthrew 
its prince, and devastated the country. The army of 
Rusas, which came to its relief, he utterly defeated, 
and drove the king himself in hasty flight to the 
mountains. The Assyrian narrative reports that, 
seeing his land ravaged, his cities burned, and 
portions of his territory given to the king of Man, in 
despair Rusas slew himself. It seems, however, ac- 
cording to Urartian inscriptions, that he lived to fight 
again. The reduction of the other districts followed 
without difficulty. From Illipi, in the far southeast 
on the borders of Elam, westward beyond Lake 
Van, and eastward as far as the Caspian, gifts and 
tribute were the signs of Assyrian authority. The 
usual citadels were built, and provinces established 
for administrative purposes, where vassal kings were 
not continued in their authority. Urartu, however, 
somehow escaped incorporation. A new king, Argistis 
II., continued to maintain the independence of his 


country, and even to interfere in Assyrian affairs, 
but with no success. The aggressive power of the 
state was broken, and the Assyrians were satisfied to 
let well enough alone. That Urartu was practically 
left to itself and yet was closely watched, is illustrated 
by a despatch which has been preserved from the 
Crown Prince Sennacherib, who in the last years of 
Sargon was the commanding general, stationed on 
the frontier between Urartu and Assyria. 

211. In the northwest the Mushki were situated 
as advantageously for disturbing the Assyrian 
borders as was Urartu in the east. Perched high up 
among the Taurus mountains, they saw beneath them 
Qui (Cilicia) to the southwest, Tabal and the north 
Syrian states to the south, Qummukh to the south- 
east, and Milid to the east, beyond which Urartu 
extended to the mountains of Ararat. They them- 
selves were moved to activity, doubtless, by the 
pressure of peoples behind them, caused by the west>- 
ward movement of the Indo-European tribes, of whom 
the Medes in the east formed one branch, and who 
were to make themselves felt more distinctly within 
half a century. They entered heartily, therefore, into 
the schemes of Rusas of Urartu, and did their part 
toward breaking down Assyrian influence on these 
frontiers. A beginning was made in Tabal in 718 B. c. 
by a rebellion in Sinukhtu, one of its principalities. 
The rising was put down, the guilty tribe deported, and 
its territory given to a neighboring prince. The next 
year, tempted by the promise of help from Mita, King 
of Mushki, Pisiris, king of Karkhemish, threw off the 
yoke, but, if a general rising was expected, it was 
prevented by the vigilance and promptness of Sargon, 

254 Assyria 

who stormed the ancient city, carried away its in^ 
habitants, and settled Assyrians in their places. The 
city became the capital of an Assyrian province. 
Mita had, meanwhile, been making advances to Qui. 
Its king had been faithful to Assyria at first. He was 
consequently attacked by the Mushki and lost some of 
his cities. Finally he fell away to the enemy, how- 
ever, and was punished with the loss of his kingdom 
for, later in Sargon's reign, an Assyrian provincial 
governor administered Qui and conducted campaigns 
against the Mushki. In 713 B. c. the king of Tabal, 
son of the prince raised to the throne by Tiglath- 
pileser III. (sect. 197), and himself married to an 
Assyrian princess, declared his independence, in spite 
of the fact that his territory had been twice enlarged 
by Sargon. The Assyrian overran the country, 
carried away the king and his people, settled other 
captives in the land, and brought it directly under 
Assyrian authority. The year following, it was 
the turn of Milid to revolt. Its king had overrun 
Kammanu, a land under Assyrian protection, and 
had annexed it. Sargon punished this aggression 
by the removal of the royal house, the deportation of 
the inhabitants, and the settlement of people from 
the Suti in the land. The country was fortified by a 
line of posts on either side over against Mushki and 
Urartu. Certain of its cities were conferred upon 
the king of the Qummukhi. In Gamgum, a small 
kingdom on the southern slopes of the Taurus, the 
reigning king had been muixiered by his son, who 
seized the throne. Sargon, regarding this usurpation 
as inspired from the same source as the other move- 
ments in these regions, sent, in 711 B. c, a body of 


troops thither, by whom the same measures were 
carried through as elsewhere, and a new Assyrian 
province established. Meanwhile the governor of 
Qui had succeeded in his campaigns against Mifci of 
Mushki, who in 709 B. c. made his formal submission 
to Sargon. At the same time seven kings of the 
island of Cyprus, who had somehow been involved 
in the wars of these states in the northwest, sent 
gifts to the king, who, in return, set up in that island 
a stele in token of his supremacy. That an As- 
syrian administration was introduced there, is not 
clear. Finally, the hitherto faithful kingdom of 
Qummukh, seduced by Argistis II., the new king of 
Urartu, threw off the Assyrian yoke. Sargon was 
then engaged in the thick of the struggle with his 
Babylonian rival. With its triumphant conclusion 
in 708 B. c, the king of Qummukh lost heart and did 
not await the advance of the Assyrian army. His 
land was overrun, and another province was added 
to the empire. Alread}', during these years, the 
kingdom of Samal, whose kings had been so loyal to 
Tiglathpileser III. (sect. 196), had disappeared, so 
that now all the west and north, with the exception 
of some of the Palestinian and Phoenician states, was 
directly incorporated into the Assyrian empire. 

212. The overthrow of the northern coalition, by 
the defeat of Rusas of Urartu and Mita of Mushki, 
left Sargon free to finish the task which he had 
abandoned in the first year of his reign after the 
doubtful victory over the king of Elam (sect. 206). 
For more than a decade had Mardukbaliddin ruled in 
Babylon, undisturbed by his Assyrian rival. But 
now his turn had come to feel the weight of Assyrian 


vengeance, made all the heavier by delay, and by the 
added might of the Assyrian power, everywhere 
else victorious. The Kaldean king had, meanwhile, 
found it no easy task to administer his new domain. 
The Babylonian priesthood, while nominally acquiesc- 
ing in his supremacy, were at heart enemies of 
Kaldean rule and devoted to Assyria, especially since 
Sargon was incHned to favor hierarchical assumptions. 
Nor had Mardukbaliddin seized the throne with any 
other purpose than to give his Kaldeans the supreme 
positions in Babylonia, and, in pursuing this policy, 
he appears to have dispossessed not a few Babylonian 
nobles in favor of his own partisans. A document 
which has been preserved recites his purpose " to 
give ground-plots to his subjects in Sippar, Nippur, 
Babylon, and the cities of Akkad," and describes 
such a gift to Bel-akhi-erba, mayor of Babylon, who 
was most probably one of his own people (ABL, 
64 ff.). While Sargon's claims that his rival de- 
spised the Babylonian gods are disproved by the 
pious tone of that document, it appears that southern 
Babylonia particularly had been so rebellious that the 
Kaldean king had carried away the leading citizens 
of such cities as Ur and Uruk along with their city- 
gods to his capital, and even held confined there 
people of Sippar, Nippur, Babylon, and Borsippa. 
The Aramean tribes, also, had been permitted to 
resume their former independence as a bulwark 
against Assyria on the lower Tigris, and the Suti 
were active along the northern frontiers of Babylonia. 
Moreover, in 717 B. c, Khumbanigash of Elam, the 
ally of the Kaldean king, was succeeded by Shutur- 
nakhundi, whose zeal for his support had not yet 


been put to the test. Under such conditions Mar- 
dukbaliddin was forced to meet the advance of 
S argon. 

213. The campaigns of the years 710-709 B.C. 
were occupied with this war in Babylonia. The 
weakness of the Kaldean king was apparent immedi- 
ately. Sargou's account of his operations has been 
variously interpreted. Some assume two Assyrian 
armies, one directed toward the east of the Tigris 
and the other, led by Sargon himself, moving west of 
the Euphrates. No good reason for the western trans- 
euphratean movement can possibly be imagined ; 
indeed it was the worst sort of tactics to separate the 
two armies so widely. The campaign becomes clear 
however, if, in the annals (1. 287), we read "Tigris " 
for " Euphrates." The Assyrian army advanced 
down the eastern bank of the- Tigris without oppo- 
sition from Elam, and encountered only the Aramean 
tribes. The chief resistance was offered by the 
Gambuli, whose city of Duratkhara, though garri- 
soned by a corps of Kaldean troops in addition to its 
native defenders, was taken by storm, rebuilt and, as 
Dur Nabi, made the capital of an Assyrian province. 
The whole region down to the Uknu, and eastward into 
the -borders of Elam, was overrun, devastated, and 
made Assyrian territory. Thus Elamite intervention 
was cut off. The Elamite king drew back into the 
mountains. Then the army turned westward toward 
Babylonia, crossed the Tigris (?), and entered the 
Kaldean principality of Bit Dakurri. Now Sargon 
stood between Mardukbaliddin and his Kaldean base ; 
hence the Kaldean king must meet his enemy in 
Babylon. But liis resources were not yet exhausted. 



He recognized his danger, abandoned Babylon, and 
hurried eastward with his forces into the region just 
traversed by the Assyrians, to the border of Elam, 
to unite with the Elamite forces, and follow up the 
Assyrian army. It was a bold, but thoroughly 
strategic move. Shuturnakhundi, however, had lost 
heart, and no inducements could avail to secure his 
co-operation. Now one resource only remained for 
the Kaldean. He moved rapidly to the south, eluded 
the Assyrians, and threw himself into a citadel of his 
own principality, Bit Jakin, and there, fortifying it 
strongly, awaited the Assyrian attack. 

214. Sargon, meanwhile, had fortified the capital of 
Bit Dakurri, and was preparing to advance northward 
toward Babylon. The news of Mardukbaliddin's 
escape was followed by the coming of the priesthoods 
of Borsippa and Babylon, who brought their rikhat 
(sect. 189) and, accompanied by a deputation of the 
chief citizens, invited Sargon to enter the city. He 
accepted the invitation, and showed his gratification 
by royal gifts and services befitting a devoted wor- 
shipper of the gods of Babylon. Sippar, which had 
been seized by an Aramean tribe driven westward by 
his advance down the Tigris, was recovered by a 
detachment sent out from Babylon. The next year 
(709 B.C.), Sargon "took the hands of Bel" and 
became lawful king of Babylon. The punishment 
of Mardukbaliddin followed. His principality of 
Bit Jakin was fiercely attacked, his citadel stormed 
in spite of a desperate resistance, the land laid waste, 
the inhabitants deported, and new peoples settled 
there. The Kaldean prince, however, succeeded in 
making his escape, and was destined still to be a 


trouble! of Assyria." The landowners, dispossessed 
under the Kaldean regime, were restored to their 
estates. The imprisoned Babylonians were released, 
and the city-gods of Uruk, Eridu, and other ancient 
shrines were brought back and honored with gifts. 
From the king of Dilraun, an island " which lay like 
a fish thirty kasbu out in the Persian gulf," came 
gifts in token of homage. 

215. Little is known of the course of events in Sar- 
gon's reign after 708 B. c. It is clear, however, that 
during this period his city and palace of Dur Sharrukin 
were completed and occupied. The king had lived 
principally at Kalkhi, where he had restored the fa- 
mous Ashurna9irpal palace (sect. 170). But his 
overmastering ambition suggested to him an achieve- 
ment which had not entered into the minds of his 
predecessors. They had erected palaces. He would 
build a city in which his palace should stand. For 
this purpose, with an e3^e to the natural beauty of the 
location, he chose a plain to the northeast of Nineveh, 
well watered and fertile, in full view of the mountains. 
A rectangle was marked out, its sides more than a 
mile in length, its corners lying on the four cardinal 
points. It was surrounded by walls nearly fifty feet 
in height, on which at regular intervals rose towers to 
a further height of some fifteen feet. Eight gates 
elaborately finished and dedicated to the gods (sect. 
204) gave entrance through these walls into the city, 
which was laid out with streets and parks in a thor- 
oughly modern fashion, and was capable of housing 
eighty thousand people. Upon the northwest side 
stood the royal palace on an artificial elevation raised 
to the height of the wall. This mound was in the 


shape of the letter T, the base projecting from the 
outer wall, the arms falling within and facing the 
city. An area of about twenty-five acres thus ob- 
tained was completely covered by the palace, which 
consisted of a complex of rooms, courts, towers, and 
gardens, numbering in all not less than two hundred. 
The main entrance was from the city fi*ont through a 
most splendid gateway which admitted to the central 
square. From its three sides opened the three main 
quarters of the palace, to the right the storehouses, to 
the left the harem, and directly across, the king's 
apartments and the court rooms. This latter por- 
tion was finished in the highest artistic fashion of 
the period. The halls were lined with bas-reliefs of 
the king's campaigns ; the doorways were flanked 
with winged bulls, and the archways adorned with 
bands of enamelled tiles. In the less elaborate 
chambers colored stucco and frescoes are found. 
The artistic character of the bas-reliefs, however, 
is not distinctly higher than that of previous periods. 
The variety of detail already noted as appearing in 
the bronzes of Shalmaneser II. (sect. 175) is the 
most striking characteristic of these sculptures. It 
is in the mechanical skill displayed, in the finish of 
the tiling, in the coloring of the frescoes, in the 
modelling of the furniture, in the forms of weapons 
and the like, that the art here exhibited is chiefly 
remarkable. In addition, the colossal character of the 
whole design of city and palace, culminating in the 
lofty ziggurat, with its seven stories in different col- 
ors, rising to the height of one hundred and forty feet 
from the court in the middle of the southwest face of 
the palace mound, gives a vivid impression of the 


wealth, resourcefulness, and magnificent powers of the 
Assyrian empire as it lay in the hand of Sargon, 
who brought it to its height and gave it ihis unique 
monument. y 

216. Sargon's administration of the /Empire reveals 
a curious mixture of progressiveness and conservatism, 
of strength and weakness, which makes the task of 
estimating his ability and achievement not a little 
difficult. His reign was one series of wars, yet a large 
number of his campaigns were against petty tribes and 
insignificant peoples. Over against his good general- 
ship, illustrated in the skilful campaign of 710 B. c. 
against Mardukbaliddin, must be placed the serious 
reverse in the same region in 721 b. c. Good fortune 
did much for him in Babylonia and in the west, where 
rebellious combinations never materialized. He over- 
threw his enemies in detail or found them deserted by 
those who had promised help. It is evident that 
Urartu itself offered him nothing like the resistance 
it had shown to Tiglathpileser IH. His system of 
provincial government, involving the exchange of 
populations, was an inheritance from his predecessors. 
He carried it out more extensively, establishing prov- 
inces on all borders and deporting peoples from one 
end of the empire to the other in enormous numbers. 
His new city of Dur Sharrukin was composed almost 
entirely of the odds and ends of populations from every 
part of his domains. So intent on making provinces 
was he, that he seems at times to take advantage of 
insignificant difficulties in vassal kingdoms to over- 
turn the government and incorporate them into the 
empire. Was he wise in this ? Or was the policy 
of Tiglathpileser IH. more far-sighted? He, whilQ 


establishing provinces in important centres, not only 
permitted vassal kings to hold their thrones, but even 
encouraged the growth of such states, as in the case of 
the kingdom of the Mannai. The task of organizing 
and unifying this mass of provinces and of meeting 
the responsibilities of their administration was cer- 
tainly severe. National spirit had disappeared with 
the deportation of the people, and imperial attachment 
had to be fostered in its place. All the details of 
government and administration, left otherwise to local 
and tribal officials, must be taken over by the imperial 
administration. Officials had to be obtained and 
trained. Military forces must be maintained for their 
protection and authority. If Sargon had before him 
the vision of a mighty organization like this, he had 
not wisely estimated the difficulties of its successful 
maintenance. As ruler of Babylon, he particularly 
felt the inconvenience of presenting himself yearly at 
the city to receive the royal office at the hands of Bel, 
and therefore contented himself with the title of " Gov- 
ernor" (^Shakkanak Bel), by which he exercised the 
power, even if he must forego the honors, of kingship. 
217. A severer indictment against Sargon is found 
by those who hold that he reversed the policy of 
Tiglathpileser III. relative to the priesthood (sect. 
203). An immediate result of this would be the sub- 
stitution of a mercenary soldiery for the usual native 
troops. Sargon certainly revived the policy instituted 
by Shalmaneser II. of incorporating the soldiers of 
conquered states into his ai-mies. His inscriptions 
testify to this in the case of Samaria, Tabal, Karkhe- 
mish, and Qummukh. But the maintenance of mer- 
cenary troops involves their employment in const^vut 


wax's to keep them active and secure them booty. 
When these fail, they sell themselves to a higher bid- 
der, or turn their arms against the state. The policy 
of Sargon also involved the subordination of the As- 
syrian peasantry to the commercial and industrial in- 
terests of the state or to the possessors of great landed 
estates. The burdens of taxes fell upon the farmers 
even more heavily. They dwindled away, became 
serfs on the estates, or slaves in the manufactories, and 
their places were supplied by aliens from without, 
transplanted into the native soil. Thus the state 
as organized by Sargon became more and more an 
artificial structure, of splendid proportions, indeed, but 
the foundations of which were altogether insufficient. 
Whether this judgment is unduly severe or not, it is 
clear that none of these evils appeared in the king's 
time. /Assyria w^as never so great in extent, never so 
rich in silver and gold and all precious things, never 
so brilliant in the achievements of art and architecture, 
never more devoted to the gods and their temples. 
Nor was Sargon unmindful of the economic welfare of 
his country, as his inscriptions testify. He directed 
his attention to the colonization of ruined sites, to the 
planting of fields, to making the barren . hills produc- 
tive, and causing the waste dry lands to bring forth 
grain, to rebuilding reservoirs and dams for irrigation. 
He sought to fill the granaries with food, to protect 
the needy against want, to make oil cheap, to make 
sesame of the same price with corn, and to establish a 
uniform price for all commodities. When he had set- 
tled strangers from the four quarters of the earth in 
his new city, he sent to them Assyrians, men of knowl- 
edge and insight, learned men and scribes, to teach 


them the fear of God and the king (Cyl. Inscr., ABL, 
pp. 62 ff.). These were high conceptions of the respon- 
sibilities of empire, however imperfectly they may 
have been realized. 

218. Hardly had Sargon been settled in his new city 
and palace when his end came. A violent death is 
recorded, but whether in battle or by a murderer's 
hand in his palace, the broken lines of the inscription 
do not make clear. His son and heir, Sennacherib, 
was summoned from the frontier, where he was acting 
as general, and without opposition ascended the 
throne toward the close of July, 705 b. c. 


SENNACHERIB. 705-681 B. C. 

219. The reign of Sennacherib, though longer by 
six years than that of his father, is marked by fewer 
miUtary expeditions, but the campaigns recorded are, 
with one or two exceptions, of a much more serious 
character than those which brought Sargon booty and 
fame. It is true that for his last eight years (689- 
681 B. c.) he has left no memorials of his activities. 
Yet that very fact indicates how Assyrian rule was 
changing from aggression and conquest to the admin- 
istration of an organized and compact state as the out- 
come of a long series of experiments in government, 
brought to a climax in' the reign of Sargon. A 
demonstration of Assyrian strength by a raid into 
the southeastern mountains in 702 B.C., when the 
Kassites and Illipi were again punished, an expedi- 
tion to the northwest among the tribes of Mount 
Nipur and into Tabal, which, perhaps, reached as far 
as Cilicia, in 697 B. c, and a campaign among the 
Arabian tribes in his later years, these constitute the 
sum total of the minor wars waged by Sennacherib. 
Along the eastern and northern borders and in Syria 
provincial governors kept strict ward over the motley 
populations under their sway, and carefully watched 
all signs of movement in the outlying peoples beyond, 


among whom, for a season, a strange and perhaps 
portentous quiet seemed to prevail. 

220. Only on the two extremities of the long semi- 
circle of lands making up the empire did serious 
difficulty appear. Babylonia and Palestine, the former 
especially, were the two problems given to Sennacherib 
to solve. The complexities which they involved, the 
new factors appearing there, the daring attempts at 
solution, and the tragic elements concerned in them 
make Sennacherib's reign one of the most interesting 
and baffling studies in all Assyrian history. 

221. The Babylonian difficulties were not new. 
How they troubled his predecessors has already been 
described (sects. 189, 198, 206). Babylonia was no 
longer a unity under the rule of kings of Babylon, 
but a number of separate principalities, each eager 
for possession of the capital city and thus the nomi- 
nal headship of the land. Aramean communities lay 
on the north and east, Arabians on the west, and 
Kaldean states on the south, while over the borders 
were the rivals Assyria and Elam, the latter just 
beginning to assert itself, both determined to enter 
and possess the land. Babylon itself, the genial 
fountain-head of religion, culture, and mercantile 
activity, alike flattered and preyed upon by these 
various states, containing a great population made up 
of heterogeneous elements with inclinations divided 
between all the parties that invited their favor, had no 
unity except in the self-interest concerned with the 
maintenance of its religious authority and its commer- 
cial supremacy. Tiglathpileser III. liiid entered the 
city as a deliverer from the anarchy threatened by the 
incursions of Arameans and Kaldeans, and, as king by 


the grace of Bel, had been welcomed. Between his 
rule and the assumption of the throne by S argon had 
come the decade of Mardukbaliddin's reign, which 
had doubtless accustomed the Babylonians to Kaldean 
authority and had strengthened Kaldean influence 
there. After the first year, Sargon relinquished 
the title of king for that of regent (sect. 216) and, 
on his retirement to his new residence, Dur Sharrukin, 
must have ruled Babylonia by a royal governor. It 
is suggested by a passage of Berosus that he placed 
a younger son over it who retained his position on the 
accession of Sennacherib. If the king thought this 
flattering to the Babylonians, he was disappointed. 
They would have none but the great king himself, 
and he must rule as king of Babylon, not of Assyria. 
Sennacherib had reigned hardly a year, when his 
brother was murdered, and a Babylonian, Marduk- 
zakir-shum, made king. The latter was, after a month, 
put out of the way by the Kaldeans, and Marduk- 
baliddin again seized the throne (704 B.C.). Pie 
renewed his alliance with the Aramean communities 
and with Elam, and prepared to meet the Assyrians. 
Sennacherib came in 703 b. c, defeated the Kaldean 
at Kish, and drove him out, after his nine months' 
reign. He entered Babylon, seized the palace and 
treasures of Mardukbaliddin, cleared the capital and 
other Babylonian cities of the Kaldeans and their sym- 
pathizers, marched into Kaldu and laid it waste, and 
returned by the way of the Aramean states, from 
which he carried away two hundred and eight thou- 
sand people and a vast spoil in cattle. For Babylon 
Sennacherib provided a new arrangement which he 
might expect to be altogetlier agreeablie. He took a 


young Babylonian noble, Belibni, who. had been reared 
at his court, and made him king of Babylon. Natur- 
ally, Belibni would be maintained under Assyrian 
protection, but, as a native king, he would represent 
to the jealous Babylonians the preservation and main- 
tenance of their ancestral rights. The arrangement 
seemed to promise well. 

222. Meanwhile, in the opposite quarter of the 
empire, Mardukbaliddin, during his nine months' 
possession of Babylon, had succeeded in stirring up 
disaffection which began to threaten serious trouble 
for Sennacherib. On the Phoenician coastland the 
kings of the rich and energetic city of Tyre had been 
gradually extending their authority over the neighbor- 
ing communities, until King Lull, who was reigning 
at this time in Tyre, could claim supremacy from 
Akko to Sidon and beyond, and was ready to bring no 
little strength to an organized movement for throwing 
off the Assyrian yoke. In Palestine the young 
Hezekiah had succeeded his father, Ahaz, upon the 
throne of Judah, the leading vassal kingdom in that 
region. Its faithfulness to Assyria had been sorely 
tried during the reign of Sargon, but had apparently 
stood every strain, and its reward was freedom from 
Assyrian interference and a high degree of material 
prosperity. Hezekiah, however, was ambitious and 
restless under the Assyrian yoke. He was already 
entertaining proposals to rebel, when he suddenly 
fell ill (2 Kings xx. 1). The desperate situation of his 
house and people, should he die at this time, stirred 
hinj to a struggle for life, which, under the ministra- 
tions of Isaiah, prophet of Jehovah, was successful. 
Interpreting this event as a sign of Jehovah's approval, 


the king proceeded more boldly with his rebellious 
plans. A visit of emissaries from Mardukbaliddin 
(2 Kings XX. 12 f.), who, though driven from Babylon, 
was still active in organizing opposition to Assyria 
(702 B. c), secured Hezekiah's adherence to a league 
which included the Tyrian and Palestinian states, 
Ammon, Moab, and Edom, the Bedouin on the east 
and south, as well as the Egyptians. All disguise 
was thrown off. Padi, the king of the Philistine city 
of Ekron, who would not join the rebels, was deposed 
and delivered to Hezekiah. Open defiance was thus 
offered to Sennacherib. 

223. The Assyrian was, however, apparently well 
apprised of the designs of the leaguers, and determined 
to forestall them. Early in 701 B. c. he appeared on 
the Mediterranean coast and received the submission 
of the Phoenician cities with the exception of Tyre. 
Ammon, Moab, and Edom hastened, also, to pay hom- 
age at that time. Lull of Tyre, called king of Sidon 
in the Assyrian account, retired to Cyprus, and his 
newly acquired Phoenician kingdom fell to pieces. 
The omission of Tyre from the submissive cities makes 
it evident that Sennacherib was unable to capture it 
at this time. But he determined to set up a rival 
which would effectually prevent it from giving him 
trouble and from re-establishing its influence among 
the Phoenician cities. For this purpose he chose 
Sidon, appointed, as king over it, Itobaal (Assyr. 
Tubalu), and gave him suzerainty over the cities which 
had acknowledged the authority of Tyre. It is prob- 
able that an attack was made upon Tyre by a naval 
force collected from these cities, under Sidon's leader- 
ship; but the assailants were repulsed, and Tyre 


remained independent (Menander in Jos. Ant., IX. 
14, 2). 

224. Sennacherib, without waiting for the issue 
of the attack on Tyre, hurried forward, down the 
coast road, to strike at Askalon, the southernmost 
of the Philistine cities that was in rebellion. Hav- 
ing reduced it and captured its king, (^idqa, he 
turned toward the northeast, and, on his advance 
to Ekron, was confronted at Altaqu with an army 
led by the chiefs of Muc^ri and Ethiopian-Egyptian 
generals. The force, hastily gathered and poorly 
commanded, was dispersed without difficulty. Altaqu 
and Timnath were despoiled, and Ekron surrendered. 
All opposition on the coast was thus* crushed. Heze- 
kiah was isolated, and the Assyrian attack could 
concentrate on Judah. The king therefore marched 
up the valleys leading to the plateau. His own 
words describe the punishment he inflicted upon the 
unhappy land: 

But as for Hezekiah of Judah, who had not submitted 
to my yoke, forty-six of his strong walled cities and the 
smaller cities round about them, without number, by the 
battering of rams, and the attack of war-engines (?), 
by making breaches by cutting through, and the use of 
axes, I besieged and captured. Two hundred thousand 
one hundred and fifty people, small and great, male and 
female, horses, mules, asses, camels, cattle, and sheep, 
without number, I brought forth from their midst and 
reckoned as spoil. (Hezekiah) himself I shut up like 
a caged bird in Jerusalem, his royal city. I threw up 
fortifications against him, and whoever came out of the 
gates of his city I punished. His cities, which I had 
plundered, I cut off from his land and gave to Mitinti, 


King of Ashdod, to Padi, King of Ekron, and to Qil-Bel, 
King of Gaza, and (thus) made his territory smaller. 
To the former taxes, paid yearly, tribute, a present for 
my lordship, I added and imposed on him. Heze- 
kiah himself was overwhelmed by the fear of the bril- 
liancy of my lordship, and the Arabians and faithful 
soldiers whom he had brought in to strengthen Jeru- 
salem, his royal city, deserted him. Thirty talents of 
gold, eight hundred talents of silver, precious stones, 
giUdi daggassi^ large lapis lazuli, couches of ivory, 
thrones of elephant skin and ivory, ivory, ushu and 
urharinu woods, of every kind, a heavy treasure, and 
his daughters, his palace women, male and female 
singers, to Nineveh, my lordship's city, I caused to 
be brought after me, and he sent his ambassador to give 
tribute and to pay homage (Taylor Cyl., III. 11-41). 

225. The course of the campaign, as here 
presented, is also described in 2 Kings xviii. and 
xix. (see Isa. xxxvi. and xxxvii.), and a harmoni- 
zation of the narratives, though difficult, is not 
impossible. Sennacherib did not, at first, attack 
Jerusalem, but only blockaded it, and leaving fear 
and famine to accomplish its surrender, moved south- 
ward, devastating the land on every side, until he came 
to Lachish and Libnah. The capture of these towns 
made an end of rebellion in the southeastern plain, and 
completed his Palestinian campaign, which had swung 
around in a great circle from Askalon in the south- 
west to these southeastern cities. Meanwhile Heze- 
kiah had decided to submit ; he set free Padi, king of 
Ekron, and sent to Sennacherib, at Lachish, for terms 
of surrender, which were promptly forthcoming and 
as promptly met. His failure to present himself in 
person, however, angered the Assyrian. Recognizing 


also the danger of leaving behind him Jerusalem, 
the only city which had not opened its gates in sub- 
mission, Sennacherib demanded the surrender of 
the capital. Meanwhile he himself, it appears, ad- 
vanced farther to the south. But the year was 
now far spent. News came from the east that Mar- 
dukbaliddin had appeared again in Babylonia. Sen- 
nacherib had already decided to return, when it seems 
that pestilence fell upon his army. He was, accord- 
ingly, forced to withdraw the detachment from Jeru- 
salem and beat a hasty retreat. Having laid greater 
tribute upon the subdued ' states, he returned to 
Nineveh with the heavy spoil of the west. If the 
close of his campaign had been inglorious, he had suc- 
ceeded in his purpose. Never again during his reign 
did the kings of the west raise the hand of revolt 
against him. The punishment had been effectual. 
Sennacherib entered the west only once again, and 
then only to make a foray against Arabian tribes 
whose constant restlessness needed frequent restraint 
and sometimes severe chastisement. 

226. Sennacherib's well-meant effort to conciliate 
the Babylonians had ended in failure. During the 
king's absence in the west, Belibni, either from weak- 
ness or seduced by the opposition, had not maintained 
his fidelity to Assyria. Babylonia was in commotion, 
and in 700 B. c. the Assyrian king was again called 
there by an alliance of the Kaldeans and Elamites. 
Along with Mardukbaliddin appeared another Kal- 
dean chieftain, Shuzub. The combination was dis- 
persed by Sennacherib, who advanced far into the 
marsh lands of the south. Shuzub disappeared in 
the swamps. Maidukbaliddin, with his people, emi- 


grated in a body down the eastern coast of the gulf 
into a district of Elam. He must have died soon 
after, for he played no part in the succeeding events. 
Bit Jakin, his principality, was utterly devastated. 
A new experiment was tried at Babylon. Sennach- 
erib made his eldest son, Ashur-nadin-shum, king of 
the city, and carried Belibni and his counsellors, in 
disgrace, back to Assyria. The failure of the coali- 
tion against Assyria caused, also, the downfall of 
the Elamite king, who was dethroned by his brother 
Khallushu. The way seemed, thus, to be cleared 
for the new regime in Babylonia and, in fact, Ashur- 
nadinshum occupied the throne for six years (700- 
694 B. c). But the end of his career was tragical, 
and opened another period of trouble for the unhappy 

227. Sennacherib employed these years of quiet 
in preparations for a military expedition which was 
as unique in its method as it was audacious in its 
conception. The Kaldi, whom Mardukbaliddin had 
carried off with him in ships to the eastern shore of 
the Persian gulf and brought under the immediate 
shelter of Elam, were settled on the lower courses 
of the river Karun, the waterway from the south 
into the heart of Elam. If an army could be landed 
here, it might be able not only to destroy these enemies, 
but even make its way to the Elamite capital Susa, 
and strike a deadly blow at the power of Elam. Two 
conditions were essential for the success of this enter- 
prise, a fleet at the head of the gulf for the transport 
of troops, and secrecy as to the goal and the prepara- 
tions for the expedition. Accordingly Phoenician 
ship-builders and sailors from the vassal state of 



Sidon, recently favored by the king (sect. 223), were 
secured, and a shipyard was set up at Til Barsip on 
the upper Euphrates; ships were also gathered in 
Assyria. At an appointed time both fleets were sent 
down the rivers ; the Assyrian ships, for the sake of 
secrecy, had been transferred at Upi to the Arakhtu 
canal, and were thus brought into the Euphrates above 
Babylon; all were concentrated at the appointed 
place, where the troops were encamped, awaiting their 
arrival. An unexpected flood tide delayed them for 
some days, but, the embarkation once made, the dis- 
tance was quickly traversed, the troops landed and 
the surprised Kaldeans overwhelmed (695-694: B.C.). 
The captives were loaded into the ships and trans- 
ported to Assyria, the main body of the troops 
apparently being left behind to push forward into 
Elam. But in some way, probably by the treachery 
of the Babylonians, news of the expedition had come 
to Elam, and Khallushu determined upon a stroke 
as bold as that of Sennacherib himself. Hardly had 
the fleet sailed, when, with his Elamites, he rushed 
down upon northern Babylonia. Sippar Avas taken 
by storm, and Babylon, cut off from Assyrian help 
both north and south, and probably unprepared for 
so sudden an onslaught, surrendered (694 B. c). 
Ashurnadinshum was captured and carried away 
to Elam, where he was probably put to death. A 
Babylonian noble, Sliuzub, was placed on the throne 
under the name of Nergal-ushezib, and supported by 
Elamite troops. He immediately marched southward 
to overcome the Assyrian garrisons and cut off the 
army operating in southern Elam. But news of the 
disaster had reached the king, and he had hastily 


returned. He made Uruk his headquarters, and 
awaited the coming of the enemy, who were occupied 
about Nippur. The battle between the two armies 
took place in September (693 b. c. ), and Nergalu- 
shezib w^as defeated, captured, and carried off to 

228. Whatever aiTangements Sennacherib had made 
for the government in Babylon, on the fall of the 
usurper, were speedily brought to naught by the 
Babylonians themselves, who made the Kaldean prince 
Shuzub (sect. 226) their king, under the name of 
Mushezib IMarduk (693 b. c). Meanwhile another 
revolution had broken out in Elam by which Khal- 
lushu was set aside and Kudur-nakhundi became 
king. The Assyrian king was, as it seems, already 
marching down the eastern bank of the Tigris again 
to settle affairs in Babylonia, when the news fiom 
Elam induced him to turn his arms against that 
enemy. He swept through the lower valleys with 
fire and sword, and, though the winter was approach- 
ing, determined to advance into the mountains 
whither the Elamite king had withdrawn. But 
hardly had he entered the highlands when the in- 
clemency of the weather forced him to retire (692 
B. c). He had, however, broken the prestige of 
Kudurnakhundi, who lost his throne to his brother, 
Umman-menanu, after hardly a year's reign. Mu- 
shezib Marduk knew that his turn would soon come 
for punishment, and made a vigorous effort to defend 
himself. He called for aid upon the new Elamite 
king, who for his own security must also sliow a 
bold front to Assyria. The Babylonians likewise 
felt that vengeance would fall upon them for their 


treachery, and committed an act which revealed their 
desperate fear and hatred of Sennacherib. They 
opened the treasuries of the temples, and offered the 
wealth of Marduk for the purchase of Elamite support. 
All through the winter of 692 b. c. the preparations 
went on to meet the Assyrian advance. A great army 
of Elamites, Arameans, Babylonians, and Kaldeans was 
gathered. Sennacherib compared its advance to " the 
coming of locust-swarms in the spring." " The face 
of the heavens was covered with the dust of their 
feet like a heavy cloud big with mischief." The 
battle was joined at Khalule, on the eastern bank of 
the Tigris, in 691 B. c, and, after a long and fierce 
struggle, the issue was drawn. Sennacherib claimed 
a victory, but, though the coalition was broken, his 
own forces were so shattered that he advanced no 
farther, and left to Mushezib Marduk the possession 
of the Babylonian throne for that year. 

229. During the next two years Sennacherib 
grappled with the Babylonian problem and brought 
it to a definite solution. On his iidvance in 690 B. c. 
he met with no serious opposition. Ummanmenanu 
of Elam could offer no aid to Mushezib Marduk, who 
was speedily seized and sent to Nineveh. Babylon 
now lay at the mercy of the Assyrian, whose long- 
tried patience was exhausted. He determined on no 
less a vengeance than the total destruction of the 
ancient city. The work was systematically and 
thoroughly done. The temples and palaces were 
levelled. Fortifications and walls were uprooted. 
The inhabitants were slaughtered; even those who 
sought refuge in the temples perished. Images of 
Babylonian gods were not spared. Two images of 


Assyrian deities, which Marduknadinakhi had carried 
away from Ekallati (sect. 145), were carefully removed 
and restored to their cit}'. The canal of Arakhtu 
was turned from its bed so as to flow over the ruins. 
The immense spoil was made over to the soldiers. 
The district was then placed under a provincial 
government, as had already been the case with the 
lands of the Kaldeans and Arameans round about it. 
Sennacherib thus ruled Babylon till his death. The 
Babylonian kings' list names him as "king" both 
for the years 705-703 b. c. and also during this last 
period, 689-681 b. c, although the source from which 
Ptolemy drew his information denominated both these 
periods " kingless." The Assyrian had made a soli- 
tude and called it peace. 

230. The last years of Sennacherib were evidently 
embittered by family difficulties, of which some traces 
appear in the inscriptions. When the unfortunate 
Ashurnadinshum was carried away to Elam, another 
son of the king, Ardi-belit, was recognized as crown 
prince. Two other sons are mentioned, Ashur-munik, 
for whom a palace was built, and Esarhaddon. This 
latter prince, for reasons not now discoverable, began 
gradually to supplant his brothers in the king's favor. 
It seems probable, though absolute proof is not yet 
available, that he was appointed governor of the 
province of Babylon (680 b. c), and a curious docu- 
ment has been preserved in which his father confers 
upon him certain gifts, and changes his name from 
Esarhaddon (Ashur-akh-iddin, that is, "Ashur has 
given a brother ") to Ashur-itil-ukin-apla, that is, 
" Ashur the hero has established the son." The be- 
stowal of the name suggests the choice of him as heir 


and successor to the throne in preference to his elder 
brother. His mother, Naqia, who plays an important 
role in her son's reign, may have had her part in the 
affair. At any rate, the embittered and disgraced 
brother sought betimes the not unusual revenge. 
Associating, it may be, another brother with him, as 
2 Kings xix. 36 f. states, he slew his father while 
worshipping in a temple of '' Nisroch " (Nusku ?). 
Thus, once more, a brilliant reign ended in shameful 
assassination, and revolution was let loose upon the 

231. The name of Sennacherib is intimately asso- 
ciated with the city of Nineveh, which owes its fame, 
as the chief capital of the Assyrian empire, to his 
choice of it as a favorite dwelling-place. He planned 
its fortifications, gave it a system of water-works, 
restored its temples, and built its most magnificent 
palaces. The city, as it came from his hands, was an 
irregular parallelogram that lay from northwest to 
southeast along the eastern bank of the Tigris, its 
western side about two and one-half miles long, 
its northern over a mile, its eastern more than three 
miles, and its southern half a mile in length, making 
in all a circuit of about seven miles. Through the 
middle of the city flowed, from east to west, the river 
Khusur, an affluent of the Tigris. Sennacherib built 
massive walls and gates a,bout the city, and on the 
eastern side toward the mountains added protecting 
ramparts. A quadruple defence was made on this 
side. A deep moat, supplied with water from the 
Khusur, was also led along tlie eastern face. Diodo- 
rus estimates the height of the walls at one hundred 
feet. Their general width was about fifty feet, and 



excavations have indicated that in the vicinity of the 
gates they were more than one hundred feet wide. 
The arrangements for furnishing the city with water 
are described by the king in an inscription, carved 
upon the cliff of Bavian, a few miles to the northeast 
of Nineveh among the mountains. Eighteen moun- 
tain streams were made to pour their waters into the 
Khusur, thus securing a constant flow of fresh water. 
A series of works regulated at the same time the 
storing and the distribution of the water, and made 
it possible for the city to maintain an abundant sup- 
ply in time of siege. Two lofty platforms along the 
Tigris front of the city had served as the foundations 
of the palaces already erected, but both palaces and 
platforms had fallen into decay. The northern plat- 
form, now known as the mound of Kouyunjik, lay 
in the upper angle formed by the junction of the 
Khusur and the Tigris. Sennacherib restored and 
enlarged this platform, changed the bed of the 
Khusnr so that it half encircled the mound, and 
built in the southwest portion of it his palace. It 
has been only partially excavated, yet already seventy- 
one rooms have been opened; in the judgment 
of competent investigators, the palace is the greatest 
built by any Assyrian monarch. On the southern 
platform, now called Nebiyunus, the king built an 
arsenal for the storing of military supplies. His 
ideal for these buildings is stated by himself to be 
that they should excel those of his predecessors in 
"adaptation, size, and artistic effect." His success 
in the latter respect is no less remarkable than in the 
two former. No series of bas-reliefs hitherto executed 
in Assyria, or even in the ancient world, reaches 


the height of artistic excellence attained by those of 
Sennacherib. In variety of subject-matter, strength 
and accuracy of portraiture, simplicity and breadth 
of composition, they are among the most remarkable 
productions of antiquity. The tendency to the de- 
velopment of the background and setting of the princi- 
pal subject, already observed in previous work (sects. 
175, 215), has reached its climax. The delineation 
of building operations and the sense for landscape 
are two new features which illustrate the larger 
outlook characteristic of the higher civilization and 
broader culture of the time. Similar characteristics 
appear in the literary remains of the king. Official 
as they are, they reveal, as compared with similar 
documents of earlier kings, a feeling for literary 
effect, an element of subjectivity, a color and breadth 
of composition, which are unusual. The description 
of the battle of Khalule, in the Taylor inscription 
(ABL, pp. 77-79), in spirit and vigor leaves little 
to be desired, while the free characterization of 
personages and measures, indulged in throughout the 
inscription, introduces a distinctly fresh note into these 
usually arid and stereotyped annalistic documents. 
The culture of the time may, perhaps, also 
be illustrated by the subtle and effective speech 
of the Assyrian royal officer to the people of 
Jerusalem, preserved in 2 Kings xviii. 19-35, an 
argument in content and form worthy of a modern 

232. What, after all, shall be said of the central 
figure of this brilliant time and of the work which he 
did for Assyria? The verdict has, in general, been 
unfavorable, ranging from the moderate statement 


that, " though great, he was so by no desert of his 
own," to the thoroughgoing condemnation of him as 
'* boastful, arrogant, cruel, and revengeful," whose 
" vindictive cruelty was only equalled by his almost 
incredible impiety," exhibiting " blind rage " and the 
" ruthless malignity of the narrow-minded conqueror." 
The chief basis for the extreme view must lie, in part, 
in the striking subjectivity of his inscriptions as 
already referred to, and, for the rest, in the judg- 
ment passed on his destruction of Babylon. But the 
former ground is a very hazardous basis for estimat- 
ing the character of an Assyrian king, since he cannot 
be regarded as the author of the inscriptions in which 
he thus speaks. Nor should the destruction of Baby- 
lon be singled out from his whole career as the sole 
test of his character and work. A broader view may 
be able to make a fairer estimate of his contribution 
to Assyrian history, and thereby to see even in the 
overthrow of Babylon something more than one of 
" the wildest scenes of folly in all human history." 
As a soldier he was active and brave even to personal 
rashness in the day of battle. In his conduct of a 
campaign he will, in energy and rapidity of move- 
ment, bear comparison with any of his predecessors, 
and in the daring and originality of his strategy he 
surpasses them. His Palestinian campaign and his 
naval expedition to southern Elam are conclusive 
illustrations. It is true that disasters attended both 
these campaigns, but they were such as could hardly 
have been foreseen and prepared for. The most 
that can be said against him as a soldier is that 
he may have been hasty in forming plans, and 
possibly obstinate in carrying them through, i\,n^ 


that unexpected difficulties robbed him of complete 

233. From the larger point of view his dealings with 
Babylon may, perhaps, be most justly estimated. As 
the heir of the political programme of Sargon, he found 
himself face to face with the problem of Babylonian 
prerogative. The unity of the empire, with its sys- 
tem of vassal kingdoms and of provincial government, 
could not harmonize with the claims of Babylonian 
equality. Sennacherib tried various methods of in- 
corporating that ancient city into the scheme of 
imperial unity, but in vain. Finally, he chose, with 
characteristic audacity and impetuousness, to cut the 
knot, to maintain the unity of the empire upon the 
ruins of Babylon. The solution was one which only 
a man of genius would have conceived and a man of 
intense and fiery spirit have carried through. It 
may be that he also desired the ruin of Babylon 
to redound to the higher glory of Nineveh, or that 
he was inspired to the act by his anti-hierarchical in- 
clinations and his wrath at Babylonian obduracy and 
treachery. These were, however, surely secondary to 
his main impulse, his determination that the unity of 
the empire should be secured, so far as it involved 
Babylonia, even by the destruction of the proud city 
that would not lower her head and for whose favor 
the nations round about were forever at strife. So 
far as the immediate problem was concerned, he was, 
indeed, successful, but he overestimated his power, if 
he thought himself able to wipe out a past so ancient 
and glorious, and to prevent the gathering of man- 
kind to a spot so manifestly intended by nature 
and history as a centre of commerce and cultur^t 



The future of the Assyrian empire, in its relation 
to the Babylon soon to be rejuvenated, holds the 
answer to the question whether his successors, 
who reversed his policy , in this respect, were wiser 
than he. 


ESARHADDON. 081-668 B.C. 

234. No contemporary narrative has been preserved 
which gives in clear detail the story of the critical 
months that followed the murder of Sennacherib. 
The deed was done on the twentieth of Tebet (early 
in January), according to the Babylonian Chronicle. 
Second Kings xix. 37 states that his murderers es- 
caped into the land of " Ararat," that is, Urartu. 
The Chronicle adds that the insurrection in Assyria 
ceased on the second of Adar (middle of February), 
and that Esarhaddon became king sixteen (?) days 
thereafter (18th (?) of Adar). An inscriptional frag- 
ment of Esarhaddon seems to refer to events of these 
days and describes the climax of the struggle : 

I was fierce as a lion, and my heart (liver) was en- 
raged. To exercise the sovereignty of my father's house 
and to clothe my priestly office, to Ashur, Sin, Shamash, 
Bel, Nabu and Nergal, Ishtar of Nineveh, Ishtar of 
Arbela, I raised *my hands, and they looked with favour 
on my petition. In their eternal mercy they sent me an 
oracle of confidence viz. : " Go, do not delay ; we will 
march at thy side and will subjugate thine enemies.'* 
One day, two days, I did not wait, the front of my army 
I did not look upon, the rear I did not see, the appoint- 
ments for my yoked horses, the weapons for my battle I 
did not inspect, provisions for my campaign I did not 
issue. The furious cold of the month of Shebat, the 


fierceness of the cold I did not fear. Like a flying 
sisinyiu bird, for the overthrow of mine enemies, I opened 
out my forces. The road to Nineveh, with difficulty and 
haste, I travelled. Before me in Hanigalbat, all of their 
splendid warriors seized the front of my expedition and 
forced a battle. The fear of the great gods, my lords, 
overwhelmed them. They saw the approach of my 
mighty battle and they became insane. Ishtar, the mis- 
tress of onslaught and battle, the lover of my priestly 
office stood at my side and broke their bows. She broke 
up their compact line of battle, and in their assembly 
they proclaimed, " This is our king." By her illustrious 
command they joined themselves to my side (Cyl. B, 
I. 1-25). 

235. While it is possible that Esarhaddon was in the 
far northwest when he received news of the murder, 
and that he proceeded hastily toward Nineveh only to 
find the army of his brothers barring his way, his more 
probable starting-point was Babylonia, where he was 
governor (sect. 230), whence his march would take 
him northward through Nineveh, the murderers retir- 
ing before his advance, until the decisive battle was 
fought on the upper Euphrates. The desertion of a 
part of the hostile forces sealed the fate of the 
insurrection. The brothers escaped to Urartu, and 
Esarhaddon became king (March, 681 B. c). 

236. The inscriptions of the king, which are avail- 
able for his reign, are not chronologically arranged, 
and hence some uncertainty exists as to the duration 
and order of his various activities, which is not 
altogether dispelled by the useful chronology of the 
Babylonian Chronicle. They describe, however, the 
important movements, both of war and peace, in suffi- 

^86 ASSYl^lA 

cient fulness and with a variety of picturesque 
detail that suggests the influence of the literary 
school of the time of Sennacherib. No such splendid 
battle-scenes as that of Khalule (sect. 231) decorate 
the narratives, which, indeed, reveal a decline in energy 
and an inclination to fine writing that reaches its 
climax in the following reign. The numerous build- 
ing inscriptions illustrate a prominent and important 
feature of the king's rule. On the southern platform 
of Nineveh, he erected a palace and arsenal on the site 
of the building of Sennacherib (sect. 231), which had 
grown too small. At Kalkhi his palace occupied the 
southwestern corner of the mound ; it was partially ex- 
cavated by Layard. The indications are that it was 
unfinished at the time of the king's death. Curiously 
enough, there were found piled up in it a number of 
slabs, from the palace of Tiglathpileser III. ; these had 
been trimmed off, preparatory to recarving and fitting 
them for use in the new edifice (sect. 187). A char- 
acteristic of both of his palaces, indicative perhaps 
of a new architectural impulse, is the great hall of 
unusual width, its roof supported by pillars and 
a medial wall. Another striking feature is the use 
of sphinxes in decoration. No bas-reliefs of any 
significance have as yet been discovered. A tunnel 
was built by the king to bring the waters of the upper 
Zab to Kalkhi, a renewal of the channel dug by 
Ashurnagirpal. Esarhaddon was also pre-eminently 
a temple- builder. He rebuilt the temple of Ashur 
at Nineveh. In Babylonia he was especially active, 
the temples at Uruk, Sippar, Dur llu, Borsippa, and 
elsewhere being restored by him. Not less than thirty 
temples in all bore marks of his work. 


237. His crowning achievement in this respect was 
the reconstruction of the city of Babylon, to the 
account of which he devotes several inscriptions. 
The wrath of Marduk at the spoiling of his treasure 
in order to send it to Elam (sect. 228) had been the 
cause of the city's destruction. *'He had decreed 
ten years as the length of its state of ruin, and the 
merciful Marduk was speedily appeased and he drew 
to his side all Babylonia. In the eleventh year I 
gave orders to re-inhabit it " (The Black Stone Inscr., 
ABL, p. 88). For Marduk had chosen him in prefer- 
ence to his elder brothers for this work. With pro- 
foundly solemn and impressive religious ceremonies, 
the enterprise was undertaken, all Babylonia being 
summoned for service and the king himself assuming 
the insignia of a laborer. The temple, Esagila, the 
inner w^all, Imgur-bel, the ramparts, Nemitti-Bel, began 
to rise in surpassing strength and magnificence. The 
royal bounties for the service of the sanctuary were 
renewed. The scattered population was recalled. It 
is not unlikely that the city had not been so utterly 
destroyed as Sennacherib's strong language suggests. 
The walls, temples, and palaces were, indeed, demol- 
ished, but there is no evidence that the site had been 
utterly abandoned during these years. As the destruc- 
tion involved the taking away of the religious, political, 
and commercial supremacy of the city in punishment 
for its rebelliousness, but not necessarily its complete 
desolation, so the rebuilding signified that its former 
headship and prerogative were restored under the fos- 
tering favor of the ruler of the empire. Hence the king 
called it " the protected city." The same conclusion 
follows from the fact that the work was practically 


completed in three years (680-678 B. c). The estates 
of the nobility in the vicinity of the city, which had 
been appropriated by the Kaldeans of Bit Dakurri, 
were restored to them, and the king of that princi- 
pality paid for his crime by the loss of his throne. 

238. This important enterprise had a political as well 
as an architectural significance. It involved the re- 
versal of Sennacherib's policy, and reinstated Babylon 
among the problems of imperial rule. The motives 
which induced Esarhaddon to take this step have been 
variously conceived. He himself ascribes it to the 
mercy and forgivingness of the gods. But religion 
in antiquity, particularly official religion, usually gave 
its oracles in accordance with royal or priestly policy, 
and the question therefore still remains. A clew may 
be found in the personal interest taken by the king 
in Babylon and its affairs owing to his residence there 
as governor, or to family ties, if, as is assumed, 
his mother or wife belonged to the Babylonian no- 
bility. He may have thus paid off a political debt, 
as his accession to the throne had been made possible 
by the immediate acknowledgment of him as king in 
Babylon and through the aid furnished him by Baby- 
lonian troops. By some scholars the fundamental 
political division in the empire is assumed to account 
for the undertaking. This division appeared origi- 
nally between hierarchy and army (sect. 185), but now 
took the more concrete form of Nineveh against Baby- 
lon without losing the inveterate opposition of a mili- 
tary and secular policy to a peaceful and commercial, 
a cultural and religious ideal. Sennacherib devoted 
himself to the interests of Nineveh and the army ; 
Esarhaddon took the opposite course, and the rehabili- 


tation of Babylon naturally followed. This theory is 
too rigorously maintained and applied by its advo- 
cates ; one cannot conceive that any Assyrian ruler or 
party would voluntarily undertake to set Babylon 
above Nineveh, or that the ambitions of the Babylo- 
nian hierarchy would not be offset by the equally pre- 
tentious claims of the Assyrian priesthood. Yet it is 
quite probable that at the Assyrian court Babylonian 
influences emanating from personal, religious, and com- 
mercial interests alike, were strong, and at this time 
may have overruled, in the king's mind, the counsel 
of those who regarded the rebuilding of the city as 
inimical to the welfare of the state. The very violence 
of Sennacherib's measures would tend to produce a 
reaction of which the representatives of Babylon's 
wrongs would not fail to take advantage. Whatever 
may have been Esarhaddon's motive, his inscriptions 
reveal the lively interest he took in the work, and the 
importance he attached to its completion. 

239. In connection with the rebuilding of the city 
Esarhaddon, as shakkanak of Babylon (sect. 216), was 
engaged in the reorganization and administi-ation of 
Babylonia. During the troubles connected with the 
succession, the Kaldi, under the leadership of a son of 
Maxdukbaliddin, named Nabu-zer-napishti-lishir, took 
up arms and besieged Ur. The energetic advance of 
the provincial governor of southern Babylonia into 
his domain compelled the Kaldean to retreat and 
finally to flee to Elam, his father's old resort in time 
of trouble. There Ummanmenanu had been succeeded 
by Khumma-khaldash I., and he by another of the same 
name. Khummakhaldash 11. , however, contrary to 
the policy of his predecessors, put the fugitive to 


death. His brother Na'id Marduk, who had accom- 
panied him, fled to Assyria and threw himself on the 
mercy of Esarhaddon, who promptly made him vassal- 
lord of the Kaldi, and thereby not only widened the 
breach between the Kaldi and Elam but also secured 
the allegiance of the former. The Gambulians, an 
Aramean tribe of the southeast, were likewise won 
to the Assyrian side, and their capital fortified 
against Elam. Still, though thus isolated, the Elara- 
ites ventured a raid into northern Babylonia (674 
B. c), while Esarhaddon was in the west, and his 
mother, Naqia, was acting as regent. They stormed 
Sippar and carried away the gods of Agade, but were 
evidently prevented from doing further damage by 
the well- organized system of Assyrian defence. It 
seems that this somewhat unsuccessful expedition 
cost Khummakhaldash II. his throne. The same 
year he died " without being sick," and was succeeded 
by his brother, Urtagu (Urtaki), who signalized his 
accession by returning the gods of Agade. He 
continued the policy of peace with Assyria during 
Esarhaddon's reign. It is probable that not only 
the Assyrian defensive arrangements, but also 
troubles arising on his northern and eastern frontiei'S 
from the encroachments of the Medes, explain this 

240. Assyria, likewise, had her problem to solve 
upon the northern frontier. During the quiet which 
reigned here in the years of Sennacherib (sect. 219), 
the Medes of the northeast had been passing from the 
condition of tribal independence into a somewhat con- 
solidated confederacy, which now acknowledged as 
leader a certain Mamitiarshu, who is called in Assyr- 


ian documents " lord of the cities of the Medes." In 
the north the kingdom of Urartu was held in check by 
the Mannai, who owed their place and power to Assyr- 
ian favor (sect. 210) ; but in the last years of Senna- 
cherib, a new wave of migratory peoples came rolling 
down from the Caucasus. It broke on the Assyrian 
border and produced confusion and turmoil. These 
peoples were called by the Assyrians Gimirrai (angli- 
cized, through the Greek, as " Kimmerians "). Reach- 
ing the high and complex mountain-mass behind 
which lay Urartu, they seem to have split into two 
divisions, one moving westward along the Anti- 
Taurus into Asia Minor, the other likewise follow- 
ing the mountains in their southeasterly trend toward 
Iran. In both directions they emerged upon territory 
under Assyrian influence, and came into conflict with 
Assyrian troops. The western body came out above 
the upper Euphrates, in the provinces of Milid and 
Tabal, where Esarhaddon met them under the leader- 
ship of a certain Teushpa, whom he claims to have de- 
feated. If the restoration of the reading in a broken 
place in the Babylonian Chronicle is correct, this 
battle took place as early as 678 B. c. The result of 
it seems to have been to drive the Gimirrai farther to 
the northwest, where they fell upon the kingdom 
of Phrygia. The complications in the northeast were 
much more formidable. Urartu became restless, and 
it is not surprising therefore, that the sons of Sen- 
nacherib, who murdered him, fled northward, made 
their stand on the upper Euphrates, and finally took 
refuge in Urartu. Their presence there may have 
had something to do with the disturbances which soon 
arose on the frontiers. These broke out, however, not 


in Urartu, but in the pro-Assyrian s,tate of the Mannai, 
which seems to have united with the Gimirrai, and 
threatened Assyrian supremacy in the mountains. 
Then, as the Gimirrai pushed farther to the southeast, 
they sought alliance with the Medes. Before the 
Assyrians were awake to the situation, they were 
startled to find that the Gimirrai, Mannai, and Medes 
were forming a league under the leadership of Kash- 
tarit, lord of Karkashshi. A series of curious docu- 
ments, apparently official inquiries made of the sun 
god with reference to these disturbances and the 
king's measures taken to quiet them, reveals at the 
same time the gravity of the situation and the pro- 
cedure prerequisite to Assyrian diplomatic and mili- 
tary activity (Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete). The 
Assyrian plan is laid before the god for his approval ; 
an oracle as to the outcome of the king's policy or of 
the enemy's reported movements is requested in a 
fashion which, though introduced and accompanied 
with a stately and elaborate ritual, is in essence sim- 
ilar to that employed by the kings of Israel (1 Sam. 
XXX. 8; 1 Kings xxii. 5, 15). From Esarhaddon's 
own report and the hints given in these prayers, the 
details of the wars can be recovered and the general 
result stated. How many years the struggle contin- 
ued is quite uncertain; it was brought to an end 
before 678 b. c. The league against Assyria failed to 
do serious harm, as much because of its own weakness 
as through Esarhaddon's attacks upon it. Promises 
which were made to some tribes detached tliem from 
the alliance ; a King Bartatua seems to have secured 
as his reward a wife from the daughters of Assyria's 
royal house j some Median ghief tains, who were being 


forced into the league, made their peace with Assyria 
and sought protection. Campaigns were made against 
the Mannai and their Kimmerian or Scythian ally, 
king Ishpaka, of Ashguza (Bibl. Ashkenaz ?), and 
against Median tribes in the eastern mountains. In- 
trigues were set on foot to array the different peoples 
one against another. Urartu, even, came to terms 
with Assyria, and in 672 B. c, when Esarhaddon was 
recovering from the Gimirrai the fortress of Shu- 
pria, he set free Urartians who were found there and 
permitted them to return home. Esarhaddon had suc- 
ceeded in averting the storm and in protecting his 
frontiers, as well as in inflicting punishment upon the 
intruders by campaigns which he had made into the 
regions of disturbance ; but there is no evidence that 
he extended Assyrian authority there, or even that 
he established on a firm basis in the border-lands 
the Assyrian provincial system. On this side of 
his empire the stream of migration was neither 
turned aside nor dissipated; it was merely halted 
at the frontier. In such a situation the future was 

241. If Esarhaddon had been able to do little more 
in the north than maintain his frontier intact, bis 
activity in the west was productive of a far more 
brilliant result. It is a signal testimony to Sen- 
nacherib's administration of the empire that for more 
than twenty years after the expedition of 701 B. c. no 
troubles appeared in the western provinces, not even 
when the new king came to the throne in circum- 
stances so favorable to uprisings in dependent states. 
Several years after the accession of Esarhaddon the 
first difficulty arose, in connection with Sidon. This 


city owed its power and prosperity to Assyria, 
favored as it had been by Sennacherib as a rival to 
Tyre (sect. 223). Its king, Itobaal, had been suc- 
ceeded by Abdimilkuti. He proceeded to withhold 
the usual tribute (about 678 B. c), relying appar- 
ently upon a league formed with Sanduarri, a king 
of some cities of Cilicia (?), and hoping also for 
assistance possibly from the kings of Cyprus and 
Egypt. In this he was disappointed, and when 
Esarhaddon appeared (676 B. c. ?), he made little re- 
sistance, fled to the west, and, together with his ally, 
was after a year or two caught and beheaded. Sidon 
was treated as Babylon ; it was utterly destroyed, the 
immense booty transported to Assyria, and a new 
city built near the site, called Kar Esarhaddon, in the 
erection of which the vassal kings of the west gave 
assistance. In the list of these kings appears Baal 
of Tyre, who, either at this time or in Sennacherib's 
reign, had yielded to Assyria. The same kings, 
together with the kings of Cyprus who renewed their 
allegiance on Sidon's downfall, contributed materials 
for the building of Esarhaddon 's palace in Nineveh. 
The list is instructive, as showing the states which 
at this date (about 674 b. c.) retained their autonomy 
in vassalage to Assyria. 

Ba'al of Tyre, Manasseh of Judah, Qaushgabri of 
Edom, MuQuri of Moab, Cil-Bel of Gaza, Metiriti of 
Askelon, Ikausu of Ekroii, Milkiashapa of Byblos, 
Matanbaal of Arvad, Abibaal of Samsimuruna, Buduil of 
Ammon, Ahimilki of Ashdod, twelve kings of the sea- 
coast ; Ekishtura of Edial, Pilagura of Kitrusi, Kisu of 
Sillua, Ituandar of Paphos, Eresu of Sillu, Damasu of 
JCuri^ Atmesu of Tamesu, Damusi of Qartibadashti^ 


Unasagusu of Sidir, Bu-qu-su of Nure, ten kings of 
Cyprus in the midst of the sea, in all twenty-two kings 
of Khatti (Cyl. B, Col. v. 13-26 ; ABL, p. 86). 

242. Esarhaddon's activities in the west, however, 
contemplated something more than the restraining 
of uneasy vassals or the conquest of rebellious states. 
Egypt was his goal. It is conclusive for the view 
that the enmity of Egypt had for a long time been 
the chief hindrance to Assyrian aggression in the 
west, and its overthrow a standing purpose of the 
Sargonids, that Esarhaddon, at the first moment of 
freedom from complications elsewhere, proceeded to 
lay plans for attacking it. The breadth of the plans 
and the persistency of his activities show that he re- 
garded Egypt as " an old and inveterate foe." Ever 
since the Ethiopian dynasty had unified Egypt, the 
interference of Egypt with Syria and Palestine, first 
under Sabako, then under his successor, Shabitoku 
(about 703-693 B.C.), and now under the vigorous 
and enterprising Taharqa (about 693-666 B. c), had 
been offensive and persistent. It was now, at last, to 
be grappled with in earnest by Esarhaddon. In the 
light of his Egyptian goal his Arabian campaigns are 
comprehensible. The Assyrian yoke was fixed more 
firmly on the Aribi, to whose king, Hazael, were re- 
turned his gods captured by Sennacherib. A Queen 
Tabua was appointed to joint sovereignty with Hazael, 
and, upon his death, his son Yailu was seated on the 
throne. The districts of Bazu and Hazu, somewhere in 
southwestern Arabia, were subjugated after a march 
the appalling difficulties of which are imaginatively 
described in the king's narrative. These campaigns 


(675-674 B. c.) preceded the first advance against 
Eg3^pt in 674 B. c, in which the Egyptian border was 
crossed, and a basis for further progress established. 
The next year, however, if Kundtzon's reading of the 
confused statement of the Babylonian Chronicle at 
this point is correct, the Assyrian army was defeated 
and driven out. It was this disaster which probably 
emboldened Baal, King of Tyre, to withhold his 
tribute. Esarhaddon, nothing daunted, spent two 
years in more extensive preparations, and was on his 
way to the west by 670 B. c. Baal was summoned 
to surrender, and, when he refused and retired to his 
island citadel, he was besieged, while the army moved 
on southward. The course of the campaign cannot 
be described more vividly and tersely than in the 
royal inscription of Samal : 

As for Tarqu, King of Egypt and Cush, who was 
under the curse of their great divinity, from Ishupri 
as far as Memphis, his royal city a march of fifteen 
days every day without exception I killed his warriors 
in great number, and as for him, five times with the 
point of the spear I struck him with a deadly stroke. 
Memphis, his royal city, in half a day, by cutting 
through, cutting into and scaling (?) I besieged, I con- 
quered, I tore down, I destroyed, I burned with fire, 
and the wife of his palace, his palace women, Ushana- 
huru, his own son, and the rest of his sons, his daughters, 
his property and possessions, his horses, his oxen, his 
sheep without number, I carried away as spoil to 
Assyria. I tore up the root of Cush from Egypt, a 
single one even to the suppliant I did not leave 
behind. Over all Egypt I appointed kings, prefects, 
governors, grain-inspectors, mayors, and secretaries. 


I instituted regular offerings to Asliur and the great 
gods, my lords, for all time. I placed on them the 
tribute and taxes of my lordship, regularly and without 
fail (Mon. 38-51 ; ABL, p. 92). 

243. Twenty Egyptian city-princes, headed by Necho 
of Sais, were said to have yielded to Esarhaddon, and, 
after taking the solemn oath of fidelity to Ashur, 
were confirmed in their authority, subject to the 
oversight of Assyrian officials (^qipani, sect. 167). 
The usual tribute was required. Last named among 
these princes was the king of Thebes ; yet he could 
have paid but nominal homage at this time, for only 
after some years did his city fall into the hands of 
Assyria. It is evident that Esarhaddon proposed, 
by these measures, to incorporate at least lower Egypt 
into his empire. On his return he set up the stele 
at Samal, in which he appears, endowed with heroic 
proportions, and holding a cord attached to rings in the 
lips of two lesser figures, his captives, one of whom 
on his knees is evidently Taharqa of Egypt, and 
the other presumably Baal of Tyre. The inscription, 
however, says nothing of Baal's surrender, and his 
submission, if offered, was merely nominal. A 
similar image and superscription appears graven on 
tlie cliffs of the Nahr-el-Kelb, side by side with the 
proud bas-reliefs of Egyptian conquerors of former 
centuries. Another long-sought goal of Assyrian 
kings had been attained, and Esarhaddon was the 
first of their line to proclaim himself "King of the 
kings of Egypt." But a year had hardly passed 
when he was summoned to Egypt again by a fresh 
inroad of Taharqa. He set out in 668 B.C., but 
never returned, dying on the march in the last 


of October. The expedition was concluded tri- 
umphantly by his son and successor. 

244. As if anticipating that he would never return 
from the campaign, Esarhaddon had, in that very 
year, completed the arrangements for the succession 
to the throne. At the feast of Gula (last of April, 

668 B. c.) the proclamation was made to the people 
of the empire that Ashurbanipal, his eldest son, was 
appointed king of Assyria, and a younger son, Sham- 
ash-shum-ukin, was to be king of Babylon. Other 
sons were made priests of important temples. This 
procedure seems to have been necessitated by court 
or dynastic difficulties which troubled the last years 
of the king. The Babylonian Chronicle, at the year 

669 B. c, has the significant statement : " The king 
remained in Assyria; he put to death many nobles 
with the sword." It is easy to conjecture that this 
record testifies to a revolt of the Assyrian party 
against the pro-Babylonian tendencies of the king 
(sect. 238), and that Ashurbanipal represented this 
party and succeeded in carrying his point (so KAT^, 
91 f.), whereby he secured the Assyrian throne and 
the primacy in the empire. But this is only conjec- 
ture, against which much might be urged. It is suf- 
ficient to observe that Esarhaddon, before his death, 
himself determined upon this method of administering 
the empire, either to avoid a war of succession, or 
to secure the future establishment of that form of 
government which to him appeared likely to be the 
wisest and the most successful for the state. 

245. The verdict upon Esarhaddon has been as 
uniformly favorable as that upon his father has been 
condemnatory. He is characterized by a " reasonable 


and conciliatory disposition," a " largeness of aim 
peculiarly his own ; " he was " a wise and strenuous 
king who left his vast domains with a fairer show of 
prosperity and safety than the Assyrian realm had 
ever presented at the demise of any of his predeces- 
sors." He " is the noblest and most sympathetic 
figure among the Assyrian kings." These are high 
commendations of both the personal and public worth 
of the king. The facts, however, require a more 
balanced judgment. The king's action regarding 
Sidon was peculiarly cruel. Not only was the city de- 
stroyed, and its king beheaded, but, as the royal 
record declares, on the triumphal march into Nineveh, 
the heads of the monarchs slaughtered in that cam- 
paign were hung upon the necks of their great men. 
The restoration of captured gods and the establish- 
ment of submissive kings upon their thrones must be 
regarded as political rather than personal acts, a part 
of the policy followed in other periods of Assyrian 
history. The king's generalship, personal courage, 
and force are all that any king before him exhibited, 
and his success was brilliant. Yet he, too, suffered 
military disasters as in Egypt and on the northern 
frontier. In the latter region, moreover, his energy 
was exhibited rather in beating off his enemies than 
in aggressive warfare. A Tiglathpileser, it may be 
said, would have followed up and broken the power 
of his assailants. In Esarhaddon, also, appears more 
distinctly than before something of that orientalism 
in manners and taste which is accustomed to be asso- 
ciated with eastern monarchs. He is the first of the 
Sargonids to boast of his lineage and to trace it back 
to a fabulous royal ancestry. Kings from all parts 


of his realm throng his court and are summoned 
regularly to do him homage at Jiis capital. As cap- 
tives, they are represented as in his stele of Samal, as 
beasts crouching at his feet, with rings in their lips. 
His religiosity, amounting almost to dependence upon 
the priesthood and their oracles, is another marked and 
not altogether favorable ti'ait of character. It is not 
a mere chance that the largest number of oracle texts 
of the temples of Ishtar and Shamash come from his 
reign and relate to his affairs. " A pious man and a 
friend of priests from the beginning " is Tide's esti- 
mate of him from this point of view, and it is illus- 
trated yet more completely by his temple-building 
and his restoration of the city of Babylon. But piety 
in Assyria was not far removed from superstition, and 
the facts suggest that this was not absent from the 
king's disposition. 

246. As a statesman, Esarhaddon in many respects 
shows himself a worthy follower of his predecessors. 
The provincial system and the policy of deportation 
are employed by him in the reorganization of Sidon 
and the province of Samaria (Ezra iv. 2). His re- 
lations with vassal kings, indeed, are perhaps more 
uniformly successful than was the case with former 
rulers, and in the Kaldean and Arabian states, where 
he combines various districts under native rulers, he 
reveals distinct and admirable diplomacy. His larger 
foreign policy was, however, in every case inade- 
quate, if not disastrous. In the north he stood on 
the defensive ; but under such conditions mere defence 
was worse than useless. His conquest of Egypt was 
brilliant, yet in the end it weakened more than it 
strengthened the empire. Our larger knowledge of 


his organization of Egypt makes it clear that he in- 
tended to incorporate it into the state by setting up 
an administrative system, in part directly, in part 
indirectly, related to the central government. The 
system failed completely, and the drain on the im- 
perial resources was severe. 

247. His internal policy is revealed in his splendid 
building operations that culminated in the new Baby- 
lon. In this direction no king had approached the 
lavish outlay of treasure which these enterprises must 
have required. That this treasure was available was 
due to the resources laid up by Sennacherib in his years 
of peace, and it is a question whether their dissipation 
in such operations was wise. No doubt can rest upon 
the political inexpediency of the rebuilding of Baby- 
lon. It revived at once the Kaldean and Elamite 
problems, as well as the most perplexing problem of 
all, that of Babylon itself. It led directly to that act 
which even the most ardent admirers of Esarhaddon 
concede to have been " an act of folly " and " a co- 
lossal failure," the division of the empire between 
two rulers, the king of Assyria and the king of Baby- 
lon. Sennacherib may have been violent, ruthless, 
and short-sighted. He was not so witless as his son, 
who, while he added Egypt to the empire, gave the 
state, by his deliberately adopted policy of decentra- 
lization, a start upon the downward road at the end 
of which lay sudden and complete destruction. 

ASHURBANIPAL. 668-626 B. C. 

248. Upon the death of Esarhaddon the arrange- 
ments made by him for the succession were smoothly 
and promptly carried out; the empire passed to 
Ashurbanipal, while his brother Shamash-shumukin 
became king in Babylon. The queen mother, Naqia, 
who had already acted as regent in the absence of 
her son, issued a proclamation calling for obedi- 
ence to these, the legally constituted rulers. For 
Shamashshumukin, however, a further ceremonial 
was requisite. He must, according to precedent, 
" take the hands of Bel " in the city of Babylon. 
But the images of the gods of Babylon, removed 
to Assur at the time of the destruction of Babylon, 
had never been returned to the reconstructed capi- 
tal. At the command of the sun-god, Ashurbanipal 
ordered their return to their temples, and with 
stately ceremonial the coronation of the new king 
of Babylon proceeded in the ancient fashion inter- 
mitted for more than half a century. All seemed 
to promise well for the peace and prosperity of the 
state. The brothers were well disposed toward 
each other, and proceeded to the tasks which lay 
before them, the king of Babylon to continue the 
rebuilding of his city and to revive its industrial 


activities, the Assyrian ruler to guard and extend 
the boundaries of the empire. 

249. The affairs of Egypt were the first to require 
the attention of Ashurbanipal. Esarhaddon's death, 
while on the march to Egypt to drive back a new 
invasion of Taharqa, apparently had not caused 
a more than temporary delay of the expedition. The 
presence of an army in the western provinces, indeed, 
at the time of a change of rulers in Assyria was 
desirable for holding disaffected peoples to their 
allegiance. The general of the forces seems to have 
improved the moment to obtain renewal of homage 
and gifts, as well as a substantial contingent of 
troops, from the twenty-two vassal kings of the 
states already mentioned by Esarhaddon as sub- 
ject to him (sect. 241). The only new royal 
names in the list of Ashurbanipal are lakinlu of 
Arvad and Amminadbi of Ammon. Manasseh king 
of Judah again appears there, as also Baal of Tyre, 
who had evidently submitted so far as nominally 
to recognize Assyrian supremacy. The Ethiopian 
king was ali-eady in Memphis, and his troops met 
the Assyrians somewhere between that city and the 
border. The battle went against Taharqa, who 
retired to the vicinity of Thebes. Whether the 
Assyrians pursued him thither, as one of the several 
somewhat contradictory inscriptions states, is doubt- 
ful. With good reason it has been held that the 
Assyrians were content to renew their sway over 
lower Egypt only, restoring the vassal princes to 
their cities under oath of fidelity to Assyria, and 
did not attempt to advance farther up the river. 
In the years that followed stirring events occurred. 


The princes, led by Necho, Sharruludari, and Paqruru, 
were discovered to be intriguing with Taharqa ; their 
cities were severely punished, and the two chief cul- 
prits sent to Nineveh for punishment. Ashurbanipal 
determined to try a new policy similar to that employed 
for Babylon; he pardoned Necho and returned him 
as a kind of vassal ruler of Assyrian Egypt, sus- 
tained by Assyrian troops. The plan worked well. 
Taharqa was quiet till his death (666 b. c), and his 
successor, Tanutamon (Assyr., Tandamani), made no 
move for at least three years. Then he, in conse- 
quence of divine monitions, and also invited, no 
doubt, by the petty princes who were jealous of 
Necho, marched northward. Necho and his Assyr- 
ians fought bravely, but were too few to make 
a successful resistance. Necho was slain, and Pisa- 
milku (Psamtik), his son, with his troops, was driven 
out. In 661 B. c. the date is attested astrono- 
mically Ashurbanipal sent an army against the 
Ethiopian invader, to which the latter made but 
feeble opposition, retiring at last into Ethiopia, never 
again to return to Egypt. The Assyrian army now 
for the first time captured Thebes and carried away 
abundant spoil, returning " with full hands " to Nine- 
veh. The administration of Egypt under Assyrian 
supremacy continued as before. People from Kirbit 
in Elam were deported thither, after Ashurbanipal's 
conquest of that rebellious district. Pisamilku occu- 
pied the position held by his father, Necho, sustained, 
as he had been, by Assyrian troops. 

250. During these years, or at the close of this 
second campaign of 661 b. c, the affairs of the west 
were placed in order. Baal of Tyre, whose allegiance 

to Assyria varied according to Assyrian success in 
Egypt, had finally roused Ashurbanipal's wrath, and 
was shut up in his island-city so strictly that famine 
forced him to make terms. He sent his son, as a 
hostage, and his own daughter with the daughters of 
his brother for the king's harem, with rich gifts. The 
women and the gifts Ashurbanipal graciously accepted, 
but returned the son to his father. lakinlu of Arvad, 
who had shown himself only nominally submissive 
hitherto, now, likewise, sent his daughter to the king, 
as did also Mukallu of Tabal and Sandasarme, a prince 
of Cilicia. Some special reason induced the Assyrian 
king to remove the king of Arvad and place his son 
Azibaal upon the throne. Tribute was laid upon all 
these states. It is not improbable that the difficulties 
which these northwestern communities were having 
with the Kimmerians induced their kings to seek 
Assyria's aid in opposing these new enemies. This 
is the reason assigned by Ashurbanipal for the appeal 
of king Gyges of Lydia, for Assyrian help. This 
ruler, under whom the Lydian state comes forth into 
the world's history, was establishing and extending 
his power chiefly through the employment of mercenary 
soldiers from Caria. The Kimmerians assailing him 
in fresh swarms, he was led, by the revival of As- 
syrian influence in Tabal and Cilicia, to send ambassa- 
dors to Ashurbanipal. Before, however, any aid was 
rendered, it appears that the Kimmerian crisis had 
passed away, and Gyges had no intention of paying 
tribute to the far-off monarch on the banks of the 
Tigris. The latter, however, did not hesitate in his 
inscriptions to make the most of the appeal. The 
affair is notable, chiefly as showing how the world of 



international politics was widening toward the west, 
and new factors were entering to make more complex 
the political relations of the times. 

251. The friendly relations with Elam which 
characterized the later j^ears of Esarhaddon (sect. 239) 
gave place, soon after his death, to a renewal of 
hostilities. By 665 B. c. Urtaki of Elam, in conjunc- 
tion with Kaldean and Aramean tribes, raided 
northern Babylonia and besieged Babylon. Ashur- 
banipal was satisfied to drive the invaders back into 
their own land, where in a short time Urtaki was 
succeeded by his brother Te-umman, who attempted to 
kill off all members of the royal house. Sixty of 
them succeeded in escaping to Assyria. Teumman 
demanded that they be given up to him. Ashur- 
banipal's refusal led to another Elamite invasion which 
was checked by the advance of an Assyrian army to 
Dur Ilu and thence toward Susa, the Elamite capital. 
The decisive battle was fought at Tulliz on the Ula 
River before Susa, and resulted in an overwhelming 
defeat for Elam. The king and his son were killed ; 
the army cut to pieces. The event marked, according 
to Billerbeck (Susa, p. 105), the end of the old king- 
dom of Susa. The Assyrians made Khumbanigash, 
son of Urtaki, king of Elam ; his son, Tammaritu, 
became prince of Khidal, one of the royal fiefs. 
The division of power was evidently made with the 
purpose Qf intensifying the dynastic conflicts in the 
kingdom, which hitherto had contributed more to 
the overthrow of the Elamite power than had the 
defeats of its armies. The punishment of the Gambu- 
lians, the Aramean tribe whose secession from Assyria 
had played so large a part in inducing hostilities, 


formed another and concluding stage of the war. 
Their chiefs were captured and suffered shameful 
deaths in Assyria (about 660 b. c). 

252. For some years affairs in Babylonia and Elam 
remained on a peaceful footing. The latter country 
had been too frightfully devastated and left too 
thoroughly in confusion to permit hostile movements 
there. In Babylonia, too, Shamashshumukin had 
ruled in harmony with his brother, content to admin- 
ister the affairs of his city, to direct the religious 
ceremonial, and to enjoy the prerogatives which were 
the prized possession of the king of that wealthy 
capital and the holy seat of the great gods. In the 
very nature of the situation, however, contradictions 
existed which were bound to produce trouble. Baby- 
lon's claims to supremacy were secular as well as reli- 
gious, and her nobles never relinquished their rights to 
supremacy over the world of nations as well as over 
the world of the gods. Their king, too, was an 
Assyrian, with the ambitions of a warrior and a states- 
man as well as the aspirations of a priest. Yet, in the 
veiy nature of things, Ashurbanipal was lord of the 
empire and the army, the protector of the peace, and 
conqueror of the enemies of the state, the defender of 
Babylon from assailants, its head in the political 
sphere. A clash was therefore inevitable, and it 
speaks well for the brotherly confidence of both 
rulers that for fifteen years they worked together 
peacefully. Nor is it possible to indicate any special 
reasons which brought on the conflict that in its vari- 
ous ramifications shook the state to its foundations. 
The ambition of the younger brother was doubtless 
intensified by the intrigues of his priestly advisers, and 


his pride wounded by the achievements of Ashurbani- 
pal and the glorification of them. It appears, also, that 
an economic crisis, caused by a series of bad harvests, 
was imminent in Babylonia about this time, which may 
have brought things to a head. Shamashshumukin 
determined to declare his independence. The course 
of events shows how carefully he laid his plans and 
how wide a sweep was taken by his ambitious design, 
which in its fulness comprehended nothing less than 
the substitution of Babylon for Assyria as ruler of the 
world. Two main lines of activity were followed: 
(1) agents were employed to foment rebellion in the 
vassal states ; (2) the treasures of the temples were 
freely used to engage the help of the peoples about 
Babylon in driving the Assyrians from Babylonia, and 
to raise an army of mercenaries to defend and main- 
tain the new centre of the empire. How far these 
emissaries succeeded in the former work is not certain, 
but Ashurbanipal found traces of their activity in the 
provinces of southern Babylonia, along the eastern 
mountains, in Syria, and Palestine and in western 
Arabia, while Egypt and far-off Lydia are supposed 
to have been tampered with by them. Northern 
Babylonia was already secure for Shamashshumukin, 
and his gold had found acceptance in Elam, Arabia, 
and among Kaldean and Aramean tribes. Even some 
Assyrian officers and garrisons had been corrupted. 

253. The conspiracy was well advanced before any 
knowledge of it came to the surface. The prefect of 
Ur, who had been approached in the interests of the 
plot, sent word to his superior officer, the prefect of 
Uruk, that Shamashshumukin's envoj^s were abroad 
in that city. The news was immediately sent to 


Ashurbanipal, who seems to have been taken utterly 
by surprise. If he had had suspicions, they had been 
allayed by a recent embassy of noble Babylonians who 
had brought to him renewed assurances of loyalty on 
the part of his brother. His feelings are expressed 
in the following words of his inscription : 

At that time Shamashsliuinukiu, the faithless brother, 
to whom I had done good, and whom I had established 
as king of Babylon, and for whom I had made every pos- 
sible kind of royal decoration, and had given him, and had 
gathered together soldiers, horses, and chariots, and had 
intrusted them to him, and had given him cities, fields, 
and woods, and the men dwelling in them, even more 
than my father had commanded even he forgot that 
favor I had shown him, and he planned evil. Outwardly 
with his lips he spoke friendly things, while inwardly his 
heart plotted murder (Rm Cyl., III. 70-81 ; ABL, p. 107). 

254. Shamashshumukin now threw off the mask 
and launched the rebellion (652 B. c). He closed the 
gates of his fortresses and cut off the sacrifices- offered 
on his brother's behalf before the Babylonian gods. 
The various kings and peoples were either summoned 
to his aid, or invited to throw off the Assyrian yoke. 
The southern Babylonians responded by besieging and 
overcoming Ur and Uruk. The king of Elam entered 
Babylonia with an army. Ashurbanipal, though taken 
unawares, was not disconcerted. Obtaining a favor- 
able oracle from the moon-god, he mustered his troops 
and sent them against the rebels. Meanwhile his 
partisans in Elam also set to work. Suspicion 
and intrigue, however, brought to naught all assist- 
ance expected by the Babylonians from that quarter. 


Khuinbanigash lost his throne to Tammaritu, and he, 
in turn, to Indabigash, who withdrew his forces from 
Babylonia (about 650 B.C.). Meanwhile Ashurbani- 
pal's army had shut up the rebels in the great cities, 
Sippar, Kutha, and Babylon, and cleared the south of 
invaders, driving the Kaldeans under their leader, 
Nabu-bel-shume, a grandson of Mardukbaliddin, back 
into Elam. The three sieges lasted a year or more, 
and the cities yielded only when famine and pestilence 
had done their work. The despairing king killed 
himself, apparently by setting fire to his palace and 
throwing himself into the flames. With his death the 
struggle was over (648 B. c). Wholesale vengeance 
was taken upon all who were implicated in the plot ; 
the streets of the cities ran with blood. Ashur- 
banipal had conquered, but the problem of Babylon 
remained. He reorganized the government, and him- 
self '' took the hands of Bel," becoming king of Baby- 
lon under the name of Kandalanu (647 B. c). 

255. It remained to punish the associates of Sham- 
ashshumukin in the great conspiracy. Elam was the 
first to suffer. Ashurbanipal demanded of Indabigash 
the surrender of the Kaldean, Nabu-bel-shume, who 
had not only violated his oath, but had captured and 
cari'ied away Assyrian soldiers. On the refusal of the 
Elamite, an Assyrian army entered Elam. Indabigash 
fell a victim to a palace conspiracy, and was succeeded 
by Khummakhaldash III., who retired before the 
Assyrians. They set up in his place Tammaritu (sect. 
251), who had escaped and made his peace with 
Assyria. He, too, soon proved false to his patron and 
plotted to destroy all Assyrian garrisons in Elam. 
The plot was discovered and the king thrown into 


prison. Khummakhaldash III. remained, and met the 
advance of the enraged Assyrians in their next cam- 
paign. They would not be restrained, but drove the 
Elamites back on all sides, devastated the land and 
encompassed Susa, which was finally taken and plun- 
dered (about 645 b. c). The royal narrative dwells 
with flowing detail upon the destruction wrought 
upon palaces and temples, the indignities inflicted 
upon royal tombs and images of the gods, and the 
rescue and return to its shrine of the famous statue 
of Nana of Uruk, carried away by the Elamites six- 
teen hundred and thirty-five years before (sect. 63). 
Again Ashurbanipal demanded the surrender of the 
Kaldean fugitive, but the latter saved the wretched 
Elamite king the shame of yielding him up by falling 
upon the sword of his shield-bearer. Khummakhal- 
dash himself, together with another claimant to the 
Elamite throne, Pa'e, finally fell into the hands of the 
Assyrians. Elam was thus at last subdued under the 
Assyrian yoke, and disappeared from the scene (about 
640 B. c). 

256. The Arabians, also, felt the weight of Assyrian 
displeasure. Yailu, king of Aribi, who had been 
placed upon his throne by Esarhaddon (sect. 242), 
had been persuaded to throw off allegiance to Assyria. 
He sent a detachment to the aid of Shamashshum- 
ukin, and also began to make raids into the Syrian 
and Palestinian provinces. The Assjaian troops suc- 
ceeded in holding him back and finally in defeating 
him so completely that he fled from his kingdom and, 
finding no refuge, was compelled to surrender. His 
throne went to Uaite, who, in his turn, made common 
gau^e with the enemies of Assyria, uniting with thq 


Kedarenes and the Nabateans, Bedouin tribes to the 
south and southeast of Palestine, in withholding trib- 
ute and harassing the borders of the western states. 
Ashurbanipal sent an expedition from Nineveh, 
straight across the desert, to take the Arabians in the 
rear. After many hardships by the way, defeating 
and scattering the tribes, it reached Damascus with 
much spoil. Then the army marched southward, 
clearing the border of the Bedouin and moving out 
into the desert to the oases of the Kedarenes and 
Nabateans. The chiefs were killed or captured, camels 
and other spoil were gathered in such numbers that 
the market in Nineveh was glutted, camels bring- 
ing at auction " from a half-shekel to a shekel of 
silver apiece (?)." In connection with this campaign 
the Phoenician cities of Ushu (Tyre on the mainland) 
and Akko (Acre) were punished for rebellion. It is 
strange that other states of Palestine had not yielded 
to the solicitations of the king of Babylon. The 
Second Book of Chronicles (xxxiii. 11), indeed, 
tells how Manasseh, king of Judah, was taken by the 
captains of the host of the king of Assyria and carried 
in chains to Babylon. Does a reminiscence of punish- 
ment for rebellion along with Shamashshumukin 
linger here? Possibly, though neither the Books 
of Kings nor the Assyrian inscriptions refer to it. 
Not improbably the excess of zeal on the part of the 
rebellious Arabians, which led them to attack the 
frontiers of these Palestinian states, soon discouraged 
any inclination in these communities to rise against 
Assyria, whose armies protected them against just 
such fierce raids from their desert neighbors. Those 
who had withheld tribute must have soon made their 


peace, among them, it may be, Manasseh of Judah. 
It was precisely the coast cities, because they were in 
no danger from the Arabs, that persisted in the rebel- 
liousness for which they now suffered. 

257. The policy of his predecessors made the diffi- 
culties of Ashurbanipal, upon his northern bor- 
ders, of comparatively slight moment. That policy 
which was followed and developed by him, consisted 
essentially in arraying the northern tribes against 
one another, and in avoiding, where possible, direct 
hostilities with them. Thus, friendly relations were 
cultivated with the kings of Urartu, Ursa (Rusa) III. 
and Sarduris IV., whose deputations to the Assyrian 
court were cordially received. The Mannai, however, 
continued aggressively hostile, and their king, 
Akhsheri, valiantly resisted an expedition sent 
against him. When he had been defeated he fled ; 
a rising of his people against him followed in which 
he was slain ; his son, Ualli, was placed by Ashur- 
banipal upon the throne as a vassal king. Other 
chieftains of the Medes and Sakhi, and Andaria, a 
rebellious prince of the Lubdi, w^ere likewise sub- 
dued. In the far northwest Gyges of Lydia (sect, i 
250) had fallen before a renewed attack of the Kim- 
merians under Tugdammi, a fate in which Ashur- 
banipal saw the reward of defection from Assyria. 
His son, Ardys, renewed the request for Assyrian 
aid, and the forces of Tugdammi were met by the 
Assyrians in Cilicia, and beaten back with the loss 
of their king (about 645 B. c). Thus, all along these 
mountain barriers, Ashurbanipal might boast that he 
had maintained the integrity and the glory of the 
Assvrian empire. He was not aware what momentous 


changes were in progress behind these distant 
mountains, what states were rounding into form, what 
new masses of migratory peoples were gathering to 
hurl themselves upon the plains and shatter the huge 
fabric of the Ass3rrian state. 

258. By the year 640 B. c. the campaigns of 
Ashurbanipal were over. The empire was at peace. 
Its fame and splendor had never seemed so great, 
nor, in reality, had they ever been so impressive. 
The king, like his predecessors, sought the welfare 
of his country, and thus bears witness to its pros- 
perity under his rule : 

From the time that Ashur, Sin, Shamash, Adad, 
Bel, Nabu, Ishtar of Nineveh, Queen of Kidmuri, Ishtar 
of Arbela, Ninib, Nergal, and Nusku graciously estab- 
lished me upon the throne of my father, Adad has 
let loose his showers, and Ea has opened up his springs ; 
the grain has grown to a height of five yards, the ears 
have been five-sixths of a yard long, the produce of the 
land the increase of Nisaba has been abundant, the 
land has constantly yielded heavily, the fruit trees have 
borne fruit richly, and the cattle have done well in 
bearing. During my reign plenty abounded ; during my 
years abundance prevailed (Rassam Cyl. I. 42 ff.). 

259. Ashurbanipal, too, was a builder. Temples in 
Nineveh, Arbela, and Tarbish, in Babylon, Borsippa, 
Sippar, Nippur, and Uruk were embellished or rebuilt 
by him. Nineveh owed almost as much to him as to 
his grandfather Sennacherib. He repaired and en- 
larged its defences, and reared on the northern part of 
the terrace, upon the site of the harem built by Sen- 
nacherib, a palace of remarkable beauty. In form 


this palace did not differ from other similar structures, 
but it was adorned with an extraordinary variety and 
richness of ornamentation, and with sculptures sur- 
passing the achievements of all previous artists. 
Sennacherib had led the way, but the sculptors of 
Ashurbanipal improved upon the art of the former 
day in the elaboration of the scenes depicted, the 
delicacy and refinement of details, and the freedom 
and vigor of the treatment. For some of these ex- 
cellences, particularly the breadth and fulness of the 
battle scenes, it has been said that the new knowledge 
gained of Egyptian mural art was responsible. But in 
the hunting sculptures and the representations of 
animals, the Assyrian artist of Ashurbanipal's time 
has attained the highest range of original and effective 
delineation that is offered by antiquity. The reliefs 
of the wounded lioness, of the two demonic creatures 
about to clinch, and of a dozen other figures repre- 
sented in the hunting scenes, are instinct with life 
and power ; they belong to the permanent aesthetic 
treasures of mankind. 

260. Within the palace was, also, the remarkable 
library which has made this king's name famous 
among modern scholars. Whether it was founded 
upon the nucleus of the royal library which Sen- 
nacherib had gathered in Nineveh, or was an original 
collection of Ashurbanipal, is uncertain, but in size 
and importance it surpasses all other Assyrian 
collections at present known. Tens of thousands of 
clay tablets, systematically arranged on shelves for 
easy consultation, contained, besides official de- 
spatches and other archives, the choicest religious, 
historical, and scientific literature of the Babylonio- 


Assyrian world. Under the inspiration of the king's 
literary zeal, scribes copied and translated the ancient 
sacred classics of primitive Babylonia for this library, 
so that, from its remains, can be reconstructed, not 
merely the details of the government and administra- 
tion of the Assyria of his time, but the life and 
thought of the far distant Babylonian world. It is not 
surprising, then, that the inscriptions of this king, pro- 
duced in such an atmosphere, are superior to all others 
in literary character. The narratives are full and 
free; the descriptions graphic and spirited, with a 
sense for stylistic excellence which reveals a well- 
trained and original literary quality in the writers of 
the court. The impulse had been felt in the time 
of Sennacherib (sect. 231), and was gained, no doubt, 
from the new literary reinforcements which Nineveh 
received from Babylon at the time of the destruction 
of that ancient city. After two generations this 
school of writers had attained the high excellence 
which these inscriptions disclose. 

261. It is evident that the king himself was 
personally interested in this higher side of the life 
which appears in the art and literature of his day. 
He has left a charming picture of his early years, 
how, in the harem, which he afterwards transformed 
into a splendid palace, he " acquired the wisdom of 
Nabu, learned all the knowledge of writing of all the 
scribes, as many as there were, and learned how to 
shoot with the bow, to ride on horses and in chariots 
and to hold the reins " (R. Cyl. I. 31 ff. ; ABL,p. 95)- 
The latter part of this statement reveals, also, his 
training in the more active life characteristic of the 
Assyrian king. The truth of the description is 


vouched for by the many representations of the 
king's hunting adventures, the pursuit of the gazelle 
and the wild boar, the slaying of wild oxen and lions. 
His was no effeminate or indolent life. This union 
of culture and manly vigor is the characteristic of a 
strong personality. 

262. As an imperial administrator, he both resem- 
bled and differed from his predecessors. He added 
nothing to the methods of provincial government, 
but was content to use the best ideas of his time. 
Deportation was employed by him in Egypt, where 
peoples from Kirbit in Elam were settled, and in Sa- 
maria, where, on the testimony of Ezra iv. 10, he (there 
called Osnappar) placed inhabitants of Susa, Baby- 
lonia, and other eastern peoples, with the resulting 
confusion of worships referred to in 2 Kings xvii. 
24-41. His father's policy of uniting various 
districts under one vassal king (sect. 246) was 
continued ; the most striking example of this is found 
in his dealing with Egypt. His armies were recruited, 
as before, from subject and conquered peoples. In 
one remarkable respect, indeed, he departed from past 
precedents. His armies were, rarely if ever, led by 
himself in person ; his generals usually carried on 
the campaigns. This has been thought to reflect 
upon his personal courage and manliness. Yet it 
may be that the variety of demands made upon the 
ruler of so vast an empire decided him in favor 
of this reversal of immemorial policy. It is cer- 
tain that in his case the change proved wise. No 
whisper of rebellion among his generals has been 
recorded. His armies, directed in their general 
activities from one centre, and given free scope in 


the matter of detail in the field, reflect credit upoii 
the new system by their almost uniformly brilliant 
success. His predecessors had worn themselves out 
by long and severe campaigns, which only iron con- 
stitutions like that of Ashurnagirpal or Shalmaneser 
II. could endure for many years. During their con- 
tinuance in the field, moreover, internal administra- 
tion must be neglected. Ashurbanipal was able to 
hold liis throne for nearly half a century ; the victoiies 
of peace which he won in the fields of culture and 
administration rivalled, if they did not sui'pass, the 
achievement of his armies. 

263. Under Ashurbanipal the tendencies toward 
"orientalism" which appeared in his father's day 
reached their height. The splendor of his court 
was on a scale quite unequalled. It formed the 
model for future kings, and served as the theme for 
later tradition. Thus, the Greek historians have 
much to tell of the famous Sardanapalus, the vo- 
luptuary who lived in the harem clad in woman's 
garb, and whose end came in the flames of his own 
gorgeous palace. While Ashurbanipal was anything 
but such a weakling, he loved pomp and show, the 
pleasures of the court, and the splendor of the throne. 
If the daughters of kings sent to his harem were, 
in fact, pledges of political fidelity, it is clear 
that the senders knew what kind of pledges were 
pleasing to his royal majesty. A famous bas-relief 
represents him in the garden, feasting with his queen, 
while, hanging from one of the trees, is the head 
of the conquered Teumman of Elam. In an ori- 
ental court of such a type, pomp and cruelty were 
not far separated. It is not strange, therefore, that 


in his finely wrought sculptures and brilliantly 
written inscriptions are depicted scenes of hideous 
brutality. Plunder, torture, anguish, and slaughter 
are dwelt upon with something of delight by the 
king, who sees in them the vengeance of the gods 
upon those that have broken their faith. The very 
religiousness of the royal butcher makes the shadows 
blacker. No Assyrian king was ever more devoted 
to the gods and dependent upon them. Among all 
the divine beings, his chief was the goddess Ishtar, 
the well-beloved who loved him, and who appeared to 
him in dreams and spoke oracles of comfort and 
success. As her love was the more glowing, so her 
hate was the more bitter and violent. Captive kings 
were caged like dogs and exposed " at the entrance 
of Temple street" in Nineveh. No more thrilling 
and instructive picture of the union of religion and 
personal glorification can be found than that given by 
the king in the supreme moment of his proud reign 
when, all his wars victoriously accomplished, he tor)k 
the four kings, Tammaritu, Pa'e, Khummakhaldash, 
and Uaite, and harnessed them to his chariot. Then, 
to use his own words, *' they drew it beneath me to the 
gate of the temple " of Ishtar of Nineveh. " Because 
Ashur, Sin, Shamash, Adad, Bel, Nabu, Ishtar of 
Nineveh, Queen of Kidmuri, Ishtar of Arbela, Ninib, 
Nergal, and Nusku had subjected to my yoke those 
who were unsubmissive, and with might and power 
had placed me over my enemies, I threw myself upon 
my face and exalted their deity, and praised their 
power in the midst of my hosts " (R. Cyl. X. 31 ff.). 



264. About the year 640 b. c. all records of the 
reign of Ashurbanipal cease. That he remained on 
the throne for yet fourteen years is evident from the 
Ptolemaic canon, which gives twenty-two years to 
the reign of Kineladanos (Kandalanu, sect. 254) 
over Babylon, that is, 648-626 b. c. This silence 
is properly interpreted as due in part to the tran- 
quillity of these years and in part to the storm and 
stress which fell upon the state as they were coming 
to their close. While the victories of the past cen- 
tury had placed Assyria at the height of its glory and 
had extended its bounds to regions hitherto unsub- 
dued, these achievements and acquisitions proved, in 
the end, to weaken its power and gave to new enemies 
the vantage-points for its ultimate overthrow. Egypt, 
the scene of hard fighting and splendid conquest, 
was already practically independent. Psamtik, its 
vassal king, had taken advantage of the Elamite and 
Babylonian troubles to withhold tribute, and, by an 
alliance with Gyges of Lydia, another recreant, had 
obtained Carian mercenaries to overthrow his Egyp- 
tian opponents and maintain his independence against 
his Assyrian overlord. He is the founder of the 
twenty-sixth dynasty. Elsewhere, also, though in a 
different fashion, the same results were preparing. 


As has already been remarked, the incessant assaults 
upon the Median tribes of the east were steadily 
moulding them into a unity of national life, which, 
once reached, could not be restrained, and which, in- 
spired equally with hatred of its Assyrian enemy and 
the sentiment of nationality, under proper leader- 
ship was to prove a dangerous antagonist. The 
breaking down of the vigorous nations of Urartu on 
the north and of Elam on the southeast not only cost 
Assyria heavily in men and treasure, but al^o made 
it easier for the peoples who were advancing from the 
north and east to grapple freshly and hand to hand 
with her before time had been given for recuperation. 
Indeed, these conquered territories could not be held 
by the Assyrians. As Egypt, so Elam, once devas- 
tated and made harmless, was practically abandoned ; 
within a few years Persian tribes entered and took 
up the old feud with Assyriiv Thus, instead of 
peace and prosperity within the broad reaches of the 
immense empire, as the outcome of the tremendous 
energy of the century, the AssjTian kings found 
themselves confronted with yet more serious and 
threatening difficulties, and at a moment when the 
state was least able to grapple with them. 

265. The two sons of Ashurbanipal followed him 
in the kingdom. The one, by name Ashur-etil-ili, 
has left memorials of building activity at Kalkhi, 
where he reconstructed the temple of Nabu (sect. 
176). The remains of his palace bare and petty in 
comparison with the structures of his predecessors, 
are found upon the same terrace and speak signifi- 
cantly of his limitations. His brother, Sin-shar- 
ishkun, succeeded, and has the unenviable reputation 



of being the last i\ssyrian king. In a broken 
cylinder inscription he speaks in the swelling lan- 
guage of his great ancestors, of the gifts of the 
gods and their choice of him as the ruler of the 
world. It is only an empty echo of the past. Before 
his reign was over (608-607 b. c.) Necho II. of 
Egypt, son of Psamtik, had entered Palestine with 
an army and, after defeating Josiah of Judah at 
Megiddo (?), had marched into Syria and occupied 
it as far as the Euphrates, while Assyria, already in 
the throes of death, made no resistance. But, in Baby- 
lonia, Sinsharishkun had shown a vigor worthy of 
better days in the attempt to maintain his supremacy. 
Business documents from Babylonia, one from Nippur 
dated in the fourth year of Ashuretilili, and another 
from Uruk of the seventh year of his successor, indi- 
cate that each was recognized as ruler over that 
region. Their authority over Babylon itself was 
hardly more than nominal, however, for already, 
probably on the death of their father (626 B. c), ac- 
cording to the Ptolemaic canon a certain Nabu-pal- 
u^ur had become king of that city. Another tablet 
from Nippur is dated in the first year of an Assyrian 
king, Sin-shum-lisir, but of him and his place in the 
history of this troubled age nothing is known. 

266. In tracing the details of these confused years, 
the student is dependent on three sources of knowl- 
edge, all imperfect and unsatisfactory. There is, 
first, what may be called contemporary testimony, 
limited to the indefinite utterances of the Hebrew 
prophet, Nahum, and to statements of the Babylonian 
king, Nabuna'id, who lived three quarters of a century 
later; second, the Babylonian tradition, preserved 


ill the fragments of Berosus found in other ancient 
writers (sect. 37); third, Herodotus and the other 
Greek historians who represent, in the full and pic- 
turesque, often fantastic, details of their narratives, 
the Medo-Persian tradition. From all of them to- 
gether only approximate certainty on the most gen- 
eral features can be reached, and the opportunity 
for conjectural hypothesis is large. 

267. The Medo-Persian tradition as represented 
by Herodotus lays emphasis on the part taken by the 
Medes. According to him Deioces, the founder of 
the Median kingdom, about the beginning of the 
seventh century, was followed by his son, Phraortes, 
who attacked and subdued the Persians. Not satis- 
fied with this success, Phraortes engaged in war with 
Assyria, now shorn of its allies. The Assyrians, 
however, defeated him ; he lost his life in the deci- 
sive battle. His son, Cyaxares, reorganized the Me- 
dian army and proceeded against Nineveh to avenge 
his father. The Assyrian army had been defeated 
and Nineveh was besieged, when the Scythians, led 
by Madyes, fell upon Media, compelled the raising 
of the siege, and defeated and overcame Cyaxares. 
They then overran all western Asia as far as the bor- 
ders of Egypt, whence, by gifts and prayers, they 
were induced by Psamtik to retire. Their dominion 
lasted twenty-eight years. Cyaxares, however, suc- 
ceeded in recovering his kingdom, by slaying the 
Scythian leaders assembled at a banquet. He then 
took Nineveh and brought the Assyrian state to 
an end. 

268. In the Babylonian tradition, Sardanapalus 
(Ashurbanipal) is succeeded by Saracus (Sinsh^f' 


ishkun?). Hearing that an army like a swarm of 
locusts was advancing from the sea, he sent Busalos- 
sorus (NabupaluQur ?), his general, to Babylon. The 
latter, however, allied himself with the Medes by 
marrying his son, Nebuchadrezzar, to the daughter 
of the Median prince, Ashdakos, and advanced 
against Nineveh. Saracus, on hearing of the rebel- 
lion of his vassal and the contemplated attack, set fire 
to his own capital and perished in the flames. In 
another form of the story, which seems to combine 
elements of both traditions, it is said that the Baby- 
lonian chief united with the Median in a rebellion 
against Sardanapalus and shut him up in Nineveh 
three years. In the third year the Tigris swept away 
part of the walls of the city, and the king, in despair, 
heaped up the treasures of his palace upon a funeral 
pyre, four hundred feet high, and offered himself to 
death in the fire, together with his wives. 

269. The inscriptions of Nabupalugur contain no 
reference to his relations to Assyria, beyond his claim 
to be king of Babylon and to liave conquered the 
Shubari, a people of North Mesopotamia (sect. 143). 
The stele of Nabuna'id (ABL, p. 158), however, 
set up about 550 b. c, while it offers difficulties of 
its own, throws a welcome light upon the exaggera- 
tions and confusions in the traditions. It declares 
that NabupaluQur found a helper in the "king of the 
Umman-manda," who "ruined the temples of the 
gods of Assyria" "and the cities on the border of 
Akkad which were hostile to the king of Akkad and 
had not come to his help," and "laid waste their 
sanctuaries." Both traditions, therefore, contain 
elements of truth. The Babylonians were at war 


with Assyria and in alliance with another people in 
this war ; yet not the. Babylonians, but this other 
people, actually overthrew Assyria. Whether this 
people, whom the royal chronicler calls the Umman- 
manda, is to be identified with the Medes, or was one 
of the Scythian hordes of which Herodotus writes, is 
uncertain. So long as this is undetermined, an 
important part of the historical situation cannot be 
cleared up. What is tolerably plain, however, is 
that, when NabupaluQur set himself up as king in 
Babylon, the Assyrian rulers sought to maintain their 
power there and succeeded in bringing the Babylonian 
usurper into straits. A happy alliance with the peo- 
ple of the eastern mountains, whether Medes under 
Cj^axares, as is, indeed, most probable, or Scyth- 
ians, delivered him from his difficulties and opened 
the war which closed with the destruction of Nineveh 
and the disappearance of the Assyrian monarchy. 
The vicissitudes of the struggle, the length and 
details of the siege, and the fate of the last Assyrian 
king may well have lived on in the Median and Baby- 
lonian traditions, and in their essential features be 
preserved in the narratives of Herodotus and Berosus. 
In the series of references of the prophet Nahum to 
the defences and dangers of the city of Nineveh, have 
properly been thought to lie the observations of an 
eyewitness of the splendors of that mighty capital. 
His predictions of its overthrow and particularly of 
the one soon to come, " that dasheth in pieces " (Nah. 
ii. 1), may have had their occasion in his own 
experiences upon Assyrian soil during these troubled 
years. A gruesome memorial of the assault is a 
fractured skull, preserved in the British Museum, 


"supposed to have belonged to the soldier who was 
on guard in the palace of the king" (BMG, p. 102). 
The date of the capture of the capital, the final blow 
which crushed Assyria, while not exactly determined, 
is probably 606 B. c. Scarcely twenty years after 
the close of the brilliant reign of Ashurbanipal the 
empire had disappeared. 

270. Assyria's sudden collapse is so startling and 
unexpected as properly to cause surprise and demand 
investigation. The series of events which culminated 
in the catastrophe and gave occasion for this fall were, 
it is true, such as could not have been prepared for in 
advance and they would have sorely strained the re- 
sisting power of any state. Yet evidently the causes 
for Assyria's disappearance before this combined on- 
slaught of her enemies must lie deeper. The prob- 
lem involves a consideration of the elements and 
forces which made this monarchy so great and en- 
abled it to attain so wide and magnificent an empire. 
Attention has already been called to the conditions 
of soil and climate in which a population hardy, 
vigorous, and warlike would be nourished. This 
people was from the first environed by adveree forces 
that called forth its aggressive energies. The wild 
beasts of the upper Tigris and the rude tribes of the 
mountains must be held in check, while a hard living 
was wrung from the ungracious soil. The effect was 
to give to the nation a peculiarly warlike charac- 
ter, and to weld the comparatively small population 
into unity of spirit and action. Leaders were de- 
manded and produced to whom large initiative 
was given, and in whom the spirit of conquest was 
supreme, a spirit to which religion and culture 


might contribute energy, but which they could not 

271. To this people, however, from the beginning 
was given a higher ideal than mere brutal warfare. 
The relation of Assyria to Babylon, unique in the his- 
tory of mankind, while it gave an outlet to Assyria's 
military activity, infused into her heart a patiiotic 
purpose to deliver the mother country from enemies, 
and stirred a lofty sentiment of reverence for the 
culture and civilization there achieved. So deep, 
indeed, was this sentiment, that the Assyrian adopted 
in its entirety the culture of Babylonia, its language, 
its art, the essentials of its religion, and manifested 
little or no desire to improve upon them. This pro- 
cedure, on the other hand, contributed immeasurably 
to the successful achievement of the military ideal 
which lay deep in the Assyrian heart. Most great 
nations must work out their own civilization with 
constant toil and distinct sacrifice of energy. But 
Assyria, inheriting and appropriating the culture of 
Babylon, had the residue of strength to give to the 
work of conquest and political administration. She 
had an immense start in the race for supremacy; no 
wonder that the race was so splendidly won. 

272. Yet Assyria's weakness lay in the very ele- 
ments of her strength. The early unity of national 
life led to pride of race and blood which permitted 
no admixture and, as revealed in Assyrian monu- 
mental portraits, resulted in far purer Semitism than 
was the case with the Babylonians. But purity 
of blood, in course of time, enfeebles a people. The 
Assyrian was no exception. The defects essential 
to a military state were equally manifest. The ex- 


liausting campaigns, the draft upon the population, 
the neglect of agricultural development which is the 
economic basis of a nation's existence and for which 
industry or commerce cannot compensate, least of all 
the spoils of aggressive warfare, the supremacy of 
great landowners, and the corresponding disappearance 
of free peasants, the employment of mercenaries and 
all that follows in its train, these things, inseparable 
from a military regime, undermined Assyria's vitality 
and grew more and more dangerous as the state 
enlarged. These weaknesses might have been less 
pronounced had Assyria been able to work out origi- 
nal and fruitful methods of social and civil progress. 
But, as has been just noted, her civilization, because 
it was imitative, set free more energy to devote to 
conquest; hence her achievements only emphasized 
her inner emptiness. No great distinctively Assyrian 
poetry, or architecture, or ideals of life and religion 
ever came into being. The nation stood for none of 
these things. Living on a past not its own, it could 
feel no quickening of the inner life. No contribution 
to the higher ranges of human thought was possible. 
Moreover, in its administrative activity, one central 
thing was lacking, the ability to organize conquered 
peoples in a way to unite them vitally to the central 
government. They yielded and lay passive in the 
grasp of the mailed fist, but no national spirit thrilled 
through the mass and made it alive. Assyrian pride 
of race among other things stood in the way of union. 
Thus in some measure may be understood how the 
Assyrian monarchy so suddenly fell at the height of 
its glory, and so utterly disappeared that, as has often 
been observed, when Xenophon and his Greeks passed 


by the site of Nineveh some two hundred years later, 
they did not so much as know that any such capital 
had ever existed there. The monarchy had stood in 
proud isolation, ruling its empire from its palaces on 
the Tigris; with its passing, the great fabric which 
it reared was neither shattered nor shaken, since be- 
tween the Assyrian monarchy and the Assyrian em- 
pire no vital connection existed. Hence, when the 
one disappeared, the other passed under the sway of 
Babylon. In view of the absolutism and tyranny of 
the monarchy the outburst of hate and exultation at 
Assyria's overthrow is not surprising. It is voiced 
most clearly by the prophets of that petty vassal 
state upon the Judean hills, the history of which is 
at the same time the wisest commentary upon the 
career of its haughty and tyrannical master and his 
severest condemnation. 

273. Yet Assyria's contribution to world-history 
was real and indispensable. Its rulers supplied, for 
the first time, the realization of an ideal which has 
ever attracted the world's leaders, the unification of 
peoples in a world-empire, the dominance of one lord, 
one authority, over all men. In this achievement it 
worked out the beginnings, necessarily crude and im- 
perfect, of political organization on a large scale. The 
institutions, forms of government, methods of admin- 
istration that were devised by its statesmen, formed 
the basis on which later world-rulers built solider 
structures. In this empire thus unified, it distributed 
the elements of civilization, the most fruitful civili- 
zation of that day, although not its own. Along the 
roads under its control trade and commerce peace- 
fully advanced from east to west, and, with these, 


went art and culture to Asia Minor and to Greece. 
Even its wars, cruel as they were, served the inter- 
ests of civilization, in that they broke down and 
annihilated the various petty and endlessly contend- 
ing nationalities of western Asia, welding all into a 
rude sort of unity, which prepared the way for the 
next onward movement in the world's history. A 
true symbol of Assyria is offered by that most striking 
form taken by its art, the colossal figure standing 
at the entrance of the royal palaces, a human head 
upon a bull's trunk; from its shoulders spring the 
wings of an eagle, but its hinder parts seem still 
struggling in vain to escape from the massive block 
of alabaster in which the sculptor has confined them 




274. The two peoples, whose union had accom- 
plished the overthrow of Assyria, had no difficulty 
about the division of the spoils. The Manda (Medes) 
were a mountain folk, with problems of organization 
and aspirations to conquest as yet limited to the 
regions east and north of the Tigris. Their king, 
whom the Medo-Persian tradition (sect. 267) names 
Cyaxares, extended his sway southward over Elam 
and to the north and northwest to the borders of 
Asia Minor, where he came into conflict with the 
kingdom of Lydia. A decisive battle for supremacy 
was averted only by an eclipse (585 B. c), and sub- 
sequent negotiations temporarily fixed the boundary 
between the two kingdoms at the river Halys. 
Cyaxares seems to have been at once a successful 
warrior and a wise administrator, the true founder of 
a firm nationality among the widespread and restless 
peoples of this region. During his lifetime peace 
between him and the rulers of the kingdom on the 
Euphrates was unbroken, sealed as it had been by the 
marriage of his daughter to the son of NabupaluQur. 

275. It was natural that the provinces of Assyria 
to the west and south of the Tigris and the moun- 
tain wall as far as the Mediterranean should fall to 
the king of Babylon. Various districts of Babylonia 


seem to have been held by the Assyrians for a time 
before the fall of Nineveh (sect. 265), but there- 
after they were united under Babylonian rule with 
out a struggle. This fact, coupled with the tradition 
of the army from the sea which he was sent to oppose 
(sect. 268), but with which, it appears, he made 
common cause, suggests that NabupaluQur was a 
Kaldean, and that with him these tribes, so long 
struggling wdth Assyria for the supremacy over 
Babylon, had at last attained their goal. Such, also, 
was the opinion of the Jewish writers, who call the 
king and his armies "Chaldean." Hence the new 
empire may be called, the Kaldean Empire. Yet 
during the past centuries of contact, so intermingled 
in blood and united in common interests had Kal- 
deans and Babylonians become, that the empire may 
with equal propriety be called the New Babylonian 
Empire. For its history the chief sources available 
are the Greek writers of a later age. Its royal in- 
scriptions, so far as discovered, are occupied more 
with the buildings restored by the kings than with 
the wars waged by them; with slight exceptions, 
they are silent as to relations with the world without. 
That the Greek historians were not always accurate 
is convincingly proved in some crucial instances 
(sect. 312), and hence the modern student of the 
period, who is dependent so largely upon them, treads 
often on uncertain ground. Happily, the contempora- 
neous accounts of the Hebrew writers, prophets and 
historians, throw much welcome light on some im- 
portant details of foreign affairs. 

276. Although Nalmpalucur was king twenty-one 
years (626-605 b. c), it was not until the later 


period of his reign that he became active outside 
the limits of his capital. The alliance with the 
Manda (Medes) and the beginning of active opera- 
tions against Nineveh could hardly have been previous 
to 610 B. c. The few inscriptions that are known to 
be his, describe his works of peace, the rebuilding of 
Etemenanki, the temple tower of Babylon, the re- 
opening of the canal at Sippar, and the rearing there 
of a temple to the Belit, or " mistress of Sippar." One 
inscription speaks vaguely of the destruction of his 
enemies, and refers particularly to the overthrow of 
the Shubari and the turning of "their land into 
mounds and plough-land." This would indicate a 
campaign in northern Mesopotamia, and, were it not 
for the statement of Nabuna'id (Nabonidus) that the 
Babylonian king had nothing to do with the destruc- 
tion of the temples of Assyria, might reasonably be 
regarded as a reference to the final expedition in 
which Nineveh fell. In fact, however, it suggests 
that while the siege of Nineveh was going on, the 
army of Nabupaluur, under his son Nabu-kudurri- 
uquT (Nebuchadrezzar), was operating in upper Meso- 
potamia on the Euphrates. The whole region was in 
confusion; wandering bands of mountaineers were 
pillaging the towns; Haran's famous temple of the 
moon -god was ruined by such a raid. The army of 
Necho II. of Egypt (sect. 265) was also threatening 
the fords of the river, and, having already taken 
possession of Syria, was prepared to demand a still 
greater share of the spoils of Nineveh. Nebuchad- 
rezzar, after clearing the country east of the river, 
crossed it and met the Egyptians on Syrian soil at 
the famous city of Karkhemish in 605 B. c. (Jer, 


xlvi. 2). Necho was thoroughly beaten and fled 
hastilj^ southward, followed by the Kaldean army. 
The vassal kings paid their homage to the new 
conqueror. Among them was Jehoiakim of Judah 
(2 Kings xxiv. 1). Nebuchadrezzar, at the border 
of Egypt, received news of the death of his father. 
Fearing difficulties regarding his accession, he 
made a treaty with Necho by which the latter relin- 
quished his claims to Palestine and Syria, and at once 
marched rapidly across the desert to Babylon. At 
Babylon he seems to have found all things in quiet, 
and ascended the throne at the close of 605 B. c. 
The heritage of Assyria, so far as it fell to the Baby- 
lonian heir, had been secured, with the exception of 
Egypt, and the new king, while ruling over a region 
far less extensive than that of the great Assyrian 
monarchs, possessed a territory that in size, posi- 
tion, and resources still deserved to be called an 



27T. The exact reason for Nebuchadrezzar's haste 
in returning to Babylon to secure the throne may not 
be easy to name, but the fear of trouble which such 
an action suggests was prophetic. A curious passage 
from the description of the ceremonial at the rebuild- 
ing of the Marduk temple in Babylon, found in an 
inscription of Nabupaluur, may throw some light 
upon the situation; 

Unto Marduk, my lord, I bowed my neck ; I arrayed 
myself in my gown, the robe of my royalty. Bricks and 
mortar I carried on my head, a dupshikku of gold and 
silver I wore ; and Nebuchadrezzar, the first-born, the 
chief son, beloved of my heart, I caused to carry mortar 
mixed with wine, oil, and (other) products along with 
my workmen. Nabu-shura-lisher, his talhnu, the offspring 
of my own flesh, the junior, my darling, I ordered to 
take a basket and spade (?) ; a dupshikku of gold and 
silver I placed (on him). Unto Marduk, my lord, as a 
gift, I dedicated him (II. 59-III. 18 ; see ABL, p. 132). 

278. The struggle of two brothers for their father's 
throne has already appeared in Assyrian history. In 
this case the younger seems, from this passage, to 
have been intended by his father for a special post in 
the kingdom ; the consecration to Marduk indicated, 
probably, his elevation to the priesthood and, in 


338 NEW Babylonia 

connection with the epithet talimu^ suggests to 
Winckler (AOF, II. ii. pp. 193 ff.) an appointment 
as king of Babylon, while the elder brother was to be 
ruler of the empire and the suzerain. Thus the old 
problem of Babylonian prerogative reappeared under 
the Kaldeans. While the fully developed theory, 
as held by Winckler (1. c), of a division between 
the hierarchy and the Kaldean rulers that runs all 
through the history of this empire and finally causes 
its ruin, is improbable, the existence of intrigue and 
the danger of dynastic troubles are obvious. How to 
be king of Babylon in all the ancient religious mean- 
ing of that term and at the same time to harmonize 
the demands of this position with the administration of 
the greater state, remained, to the end, the standing 
problem of the Mesopotamian dynasties. Nebuchad- 
rezzar, however, by the promptness of his appearance 
on the scene and through the fidelity of his father's 
counsellors, overcame whatever opposition may have 
existed, and in his long reign (605-562 B.C.) main- 
tained his supreme position with power undisturbed 
by revolt and splendor undimmed b}^ rivalry. 

279. If the Kaldean empire was of modest propor- 
tions in comparison with that of Assyria, jjbjiad the 
advantage of relief from the wearisome and costly 
wars with mountain peoples. The absorption of all 
the northern and eastern Assyrian provinces by the 
Manda (Medes), and the firm alliance between them 
and the Kaldean king, left him free to take possession 
of the more compact and tractable districts which fell 
to him and to organize their administration. How 
this was done is not very clear, except as it may be 
inferred from the details of his relations to the single 


kingdom of Judali, as preserved in the Old Testa- 
ment writings. Nebuchadrezzar himself has left no 
documents of value that bear upon this side of his 
activity. But the long and instructive biblical story 
of Judah's fortunes, involved, as they were, with the 
fate of neighboring peoples, reveals with sufficient 
fulness the king's modes of procedure and ideals of 
administration, as well as the problems and difficulties 
that he was compelled to meet. The study of it is 
essential to the understanding of Babylonian history. 
Unfortunately the narratives are not free from con- 
fusion and contradictions, the special investigation 
of which belongs to the student of Jewish rather than 
of Babylonian history. In general, Egypt was the 
troublesome factor in this region. The twenty-sixth 
dynasty had succeeded in reorganizing the Nile 
principalities into something like unity, and in so 
adjusting the demands of the various classes as to oc- 
cupy a firm seat at the head of affairs. Accordingly, it 
proceeded to reassert its old pre-eminence in western 
Asia. After Necho's conclusive defeat at Kar- 
khemish, he did not, however, make a new attempt 
in force upon Palestine (2 Kings xxiv. 7), but pre- 
ferred to use intrigue to induce the communities 
there to rebel. Jehoiakim may, in the beginning, 
have stood by his Egyptian suzerain and suffered 
punishment from Nebuchadrezzar's army on its first 
advance (2 Chron. xxxvi. 6f.); but after his submis- 
sion he remained faithful to Babylon for three years 
(2 Kings xxiv. 1), till 601 B. c. At last the situa- 
tion became intolerable. Palestine was seething 
with elements of revolution. The Kaldean army had 
been withdrawn. Bedouin were raiding the border 


communities, and these, in turn, were harrying the 
frontiers of Judah (2 Kings xxiv. 2). The Keda- 
renes were pouring into Syria from the desert at the 
same time (Jer. xlix. 28), the whole movement 
being the result of the removal of Assyrian pressure, 
which, for the last century, had presented an un- 
yielding barrier to the advance of this last wave 
of Arabian migration. So Jehoiakim renounced his 
allegiance. For a 'year or more he was left undis- 
turbed, until Nebuchadrezzar apparently was forced to 
send an army to restore his own authority throughout 
the western border. Jerusalem closed its gates and 
was besieged. Meanwhile Jehoiakim died, and his 
son Jehoiachin succeeded to the throne. Nebuchad- 
rezzar had followed his army in order to settle the 
affairs of the west, and, when he appeared before 
Jerusalem, Jehoiachin gave himself up to his over- 
lord (597 B. c). The kingdom was punished by the 
deportation of the king, his court and from nine to 
ten thousand of the citizens. Jehoiachin's uncle was 
appointed king under the name of Zedekiah, and 
sworn to faithfulness to Babylon. During the same 
campaign it is probable that the Bedouin were 
driven back and the other disturbances upon the 
border quieted. The captured king was imprisoned 
in Babylon, and his people were settled in central 
Babylonia near Nippur on the Khebar canal. 

280. But quiet had been only temporarily restored. 
Zedekiah found his people hard to restrain. The 
states on the east, Ammon, Moab, and Edom, were in 
ferment, and Judah, if faithful to its suzerain, was 
in danger of constant inroads from that quarter. 
Their ambassadors appeared at his court, and at the 


same time emissaries from Tyre and Sidon were 
present (Jer. xxvii. 3) to urge common cause against 
Nebuchadrezzar. Twice, apparently, it was neces- 
sary for Zedekiah to explain matters at Babylon, once 
by sending ambassadors (Jer. xxix. 3), and once by 
appearing in person before the king (Jer. li. 59). 
The deported Jews in Babylonia were also intriguing 
in the interests of rebellion, and even the burning 
alive of two of the most outspoken of their leaders, 
by the order of Nebuchadrezzar, could not restrain 
them. Finally, Pharaoh Hophra, who had succeeded 
Psamtik IT., son of Necho, in 589 B.C. threw himself 
vigorously into the cause of the conspirators and 
Zedekiah joined them (588 b. c). Nebuchadrezzar 
bestirred himself and advanced in strong force as far 
as Riblah on the middle Orontes. Thence he sent 
out a division against Judah, that overran the 
country and besieged the three strongholds which 
held out, Azekah, Lachish, and Jerusalem (Jer. 
xxxiv. 7). The defence of Jerusalem was particu- 
larly desperate; only after a siege of one and a 
half years was it taken (586 b. c). The usual pun- 
ishments were inflicted. The king was blinded by 
Nebuchadrezzar's own hand ; his sons and counsellors 
were slain, the citizens deported, the city was de- 
molished, and the booty carried away. The people 
remaining in the land were left under the oversight 
of a Jewish noble, Gedaliah, and, when later he was 
slain by one of his fellow chieftains, the region was 
still further desolated and abandoned. Thus the old 
tragedy was re-enacted, and for the last time. It is 
true that Hophra had made a demonstration against 
tlie Kaldeans during the siege of Jerusalem that had 


compelled a temporary raising of the siege, but the 
lack of concerted action on the part of the rebels was 
followed by the usual disaster. Edom and Moab had 
already made their peace with their overlord. Ammon 
and Tyre do not seem to have played any active part 
in the struggle. Judah stood alone and perished. 

281. Nebuchadrezzar seems to have proceeded 
against Tyre and besieged it. The siege is said to 
have lasted thirteen years (585-573 B. c), after which 
the city came to terms, although it was not entered by 
the Kaldean king. The death of its king, Itobaal II., 
coincided with its submission. Egypt was attacked 
by Nebuchadrezzar in 568 B. c. , at a time when 
Hophra had been followed by Amasis as a result of 
internal strife. Of the success or extent of the cam- 
paign there is no definite knowledge. It was little 
more than a punitive expedition, from which Egypt 
speedily recovered. 

282. If the knowledge of Nebuchadrezzar's wars 
and the administration of his empire must be derived 
largely from others than himself, the case is different 
with respect to his activity in Babylonia. To this long 
inscriptions are devoted, and small tablets, stamps, 
and bricks from many famous sites add their testi- 
mony. He describes, particularly, his building opera- 
tions in the city of Babylon, the fortifications, the 
palaces, and the temples reared by him. Utility and 
adornment were his guiding principles, but not with- 
out the deeper motives of piety and patriotism. In 
Babylonia at large, he labored at the restoration of 
the canal system, so important for agriculture, com- 
merce, and defence. One canal which was restored by 
him, led from the Euphrates south of Hit directly to 


the gulf through the centre of Babylonia ; another on 
the west of the Euphrates opened up to irrigation and 
agriculture the edge of the Arabian desert. The 
river, as it passed along before Babylon, was lined 
with bricks laid in bitumen, which at low water 
are visible to-day. The city-canals were similarly 
treated. Those connecting the two rivers and extend- 
ing through the land between them were reopened. A 
system of basins, dykes, and dams guarded and guided 
the waters of the rivers, works so various and colos- 
sal as to excite the admiration of the Greeks, who 
saw or heard of them. A system of defences was 
planned by the erection of a great wall in north Baby- 
lonia, stretching from the Euphrates to the Tigris ; it 
was flanked east and west, by a series of ramparts of 
earth and moats filled with water, and extended south- 
v/ard as far as Nippur. It was called the Median 
wall. Restorations of temples were made in Borsippa, 
Sippar, Ur, Uruk, Larsam, Dilbat, and Baz. More 
than forty temples and shrines are mentioned in 
the inscriptions as receiving attention. Bricks bear- 
ing the king's name are said to have come from every 
site in Babylonia, from Bagdad to the mouth of the 
rivers. He may well stand as the greatest builder 
of all the kings of the Mesopotamian valley. 

283. An estimate of the policy and achievements 
of Nebuchadrezzar, while limited by the unequal 
amount of information on the various phases of his 
activity, and subject to revision in the light of new 
material, can be undertaken with a reasonable expec- 
tation of general accuracy. Tiele has called him one 
of the greatest rulers of antiquity (BAG, p. 454), 
and, when his operations in Babylonia are considered. 


that statement has weight and significance. A cen- 
tury and a half of war, in which Babylonia had been 
the field of battle, had reduced its cities to ruins 
and its fields to waste lands. Its temples had been 
spoiled or neglected, and its gods, in humiliation or 
wrath, had abandoned their dwelling-places. War- 
ring factions had divided up the country between 
them, or vied with one another in handing it over to . 
foreign foes. The first duty of the king, who loved ) 
his people and considered the well-being and pros- j 
perity of his government, was to restore and unite, j 
Recovery and consolidation, these were the watch-^ 
words of public polic^^ for the time, and these Ne- 
buchadrezzar set himself to realize. It is no chance, 
then, that his inscriptions deal so uniformly with 
Babylonian affairs, with matters of building and 
canalization and religion. It has been pointed out, 
also, that his far-seeing policy contemplated the 
danger from the Medes, his present allies, and that 
his elaborate scheme of defences was intended to 
make Babylon impregnable in the conflict which he 
saw impending. All this was sagacious and states- 

284. In the fulfilment of this policy, the king con- 
ceived it indispensable to lay the emphasis on the 
pre-eminence of his capital, the city of Babylon. 
Here were his most extensive and costly buildings 
erected. For its protection the vast system of forti- 
fications was designed. To beautify and adorn its 
streets and temples was his supremest desire, as the 
exaltation of its gods was the deepest thought of his 
heart. He, or his successors, even went so far as to 
destroy the famous temple of the elder Bel in th^ 


immemorially sacred city of Nippur, the sanctuary 
of the whole land, an act which has its explanation 
only in this purpose to glorify Marduk of Babylon 
(Peters, Nippur, IT. p. 262). But one title is borne 
by him in all his inscriptions, and that is " King of 
Babylon;" and in them he declares, "With the ex- 
ception of Babylon and Borsippa I did not adorn a 
single city," and "Because my heart did not love the 
abode of my royalty in another city, in no (other) 
human habitation did I build a residence for my 
lordship. Property, the insignia of royalty, I did 
not establish anywhere else " (ABL, pp. 140, 141). 
Reasonable question may be raised as to the wisdom 
of this procedure. The Assyrian kings, while they 
glorified Nineveh, or Kalkhi, always proclaimed 
themselves rulers of the state or the empire, and the 
title assumed was recognized to entail responsibility. 
But Nebuchadrezzar chose to follow the less laudable 
feature of the example of his predecessors, and, when 
the city concerned was Babylon, with the jealousies 
and rivalries which had gathered around it, the pref- 
erence was doubtfully wise. To have developed the 
religious, economic, and even defensive significance 
of the other cities, while indicating his preference for 
Babylon, would have removed difficulties which his 
successors found insoluble. 

285. The most serious modification of one's high 
estimate of Nebuchadrezzar must be made when his 
administration of his empire is examined. The fun- 
damental principles of his policy in this field are in- 
volved in his preference of Babylonia and its capital. 
It is true that the following passage in his inscriptions 
must be given due weight: 


Far-off lands, distant mountains, from the Upper Sea 
to the Lower Sea, steep trails, unopened paths, where 
motion was impeded, where there was no foothold, diffi- 
cult roads, journeys without water, I traversed, and the 
unruly I overthrew; I bound as captives my enemies; 
the land I set in order and the people I made to prosper; 
both bad and good among the people I took under my 
care (?); silver, gold, costly precious stones, bronze, 
palm-wood, cedar-wood, all kinds of precious things, a 
rich abundance, the product of the mountains, the wealth 
of the seas, a heavy gift, a splendid present, to my city 
Babylon I brought (EIH, II. 13 ff.)- 

This, however, is the only statement of the kind to 
be found, and its limitations are obvious. The facts, 
which his dealing with Judah and the other western 
states reveals, lower its significance yet more. For a 
century Assyria had maintained its supremacy there 
with little or no trouble, with what success can be 
measured in a single instance. On good grounds it 
has been held that King Josiah's opposition to Necho 
of Egypt was inspired by his loyalty to Assyria, 
though that state was now at its last gasp. Its 
government had been severe, but it had organized 
and protected its vassals. But the Jewish rebel- 
lion against Nebuchadrezzar is explicable, chiefly 
from the neglect of the Babylonian king to look 
after the subject states in the west. There is no 
evidence that anything but the most general super- 
vision was exercised. Assyrian methods were ser- 
vilely imitated. The punishment of Judah is a 
most instructive example. The Jews were de- 
ported, but no peoples were put in their place. 
The s;)^stem of dealing with a conquered city, de- 


veloped by Assyria, was employed (McCurdy, HPM, 
III. pp. 287 ff.), except that the rehabilitation of the 
wasted and spoiled district was quite overlooked, 
and it was practically abandoned. Thus, while 
Babylonia was enriched by spoils of war and captives, 
a vassal kingdom, paying tribute and important to 
the well-being of the west, was annihilated. Nor 
did the deportation accomplish the results which the 
Assyrian system contemplated. The Jews, segre- 
gated in Babylonia and left practically to themselves, 
preserved their national spirit and were a constant 
trouble to their master. On the whole, therefore, it is 
probable that Nebuchadrezzar was interested in the 
empire only as it contributed to the enrichment of 
the capital, and where commercial interests were not 
at stake, he paid little attention to his possessions 
outside of Babylonia. The Euphrates and the trade- 
routes to the sea were kept open, because Babylonian 
merchants demanded this, and the prosperity of the 
great emporium at the mouth of the rivers was 
involved in it. Where subject-states not industrially 
or commercially of the first importance made trouble, 
they were demolished. ^ 

286. Nebuchadrezzar was, in truth, a son of Baby- 
Ionia, not of Assyria, a man of peace, not of war, a 
devotee of religion and culture, not of organization 
and administration. His strength as a world-ruler 
lay in his inheritance, the alliance with the Medes 
made by his father and the methods of imperial 
organization which Assyria had bequeathed to him. 
His Babylonian policy had its strong and its weak 
points. For the rest, he manifested the cruelty, the 
luxury, and the ruthless energy characteristic of the 


great Semitic monarchs. From this point of view, 
the picture of him in the Book of Daniel is, in not a 
few respects, strikingly accurate. His inscriptions 
reveal a loftiness of religious sentiment, unequalled 
in the royal literature of the oriental world. As a 
pious worshipper of Marduk and his son Nabu, he 
utters prayers which, though they may not be of his 
own composition, were sanctioned by him and bear 
witness to the height of religious thought and feeling 
reached in his day. The following is not the least 
remarkable of these petitions: 

eternal prince ! Lord of all being ! 
As for the king whom thou lovest, and 
Whose name thou hast proclaimed 
-As was pleasing to thee, 

Do thou lead aright his life, 
Guide him in a straight path. 

1 am the prince, obedient to thee, 
The creature of thy hand ; 
Thou hast created me, and 
With dominion over all people 
Thou hast intrusted me. 
According to thy grace, O Lord, 
Which thou dost bestow on 

All people. 

Cause me to love thy supreme dominion, 

And create in my heart 

The worship of thy god-head. 

And grant whatever is pleasing to thee, 

Because thou hast fashioned my life. 

(EIH, I. 55.) 

Similar utterances justify Tide's statement that an 
Israelite worshipper, by substituting Jehovah and 
Jerusalem for Marduk and Babylon, could take them 
upon his own lips. As coming from the king, they 


indicate a remarkable conception of sovereignty, its 
ideals and obligations, as well as its source in the 
righteous character and beneficent will of God Al> 
mighty (J as trow, RBA, pp. 298 f.). 

287. The instability of the dynasty of Nebuchad- 
rezzar, in spite of his own vigorous and successful 
reign, is painfully manifest in the careers of his suc- 
cessors. He was followed by his son Amel Marduk 
(Evil-merodach), who was slain by his brother-in-law 
Nergal-shar-ugur (Neriglissar) after a reign of two 
years (562-560 b. c). The latter ascended the throne 
to rule but four years (560-556 b. c), when he was cut 
off, apparently, by an untimely yet not violent death. 
His son, Labashi Marduk (Labosoarchod), followed 
him as king, but, after ruling nine months (556 B. c), 
was made away with by a body of conspirators who 
chose one of their number, Nabuna'id (Nabonidus), 
to be king, the last to occupy that seat as ruler of 
the New Babylonian Empire. 

288. Nabuna'id has left an instructive commentary 
upon the political situation of these years in his stele, 
recently discovered, describing the events connected 
with his own accession, the character of his predeces- 
sors, and his rule of Babylonia. According to him, 
Amel Marduk and Labashi Marduk had failed to keep 
the precepts and follow the policies of their respective 
fathers, Nebuchadrezzar and Nergalsharugur, and 
hence fate carried them away before their time. 
The fathers, however, had agreed in their politi- 
cal policy, and this policy Nabuna'id set before 
himself as ruler. In essential harmony with the 
testimony of Nabuna'id is that of Berosus (Jos. 
Cont. Ap., I. 20), who describes Amel Marduk as 


"lawless and impious" and Labashi Marduk as "hot 
knowing how to rule." Such characterizations of 
these kings, however, evidently made by their 
enemies, are so vague as to leave large room for 
hypothesis as to the particular policy they pursued. 
Some modern students have regarded them as adher- 
ents of the priestly party and, as such, overpowered 
and removed by the military or official party. For 
this view support has been sought in the one known 
specific act of Amel Marduk, the release of Jehoiachin 
of Judah (sect. 279) from prison and his admission 
to the royal table (2 Kings xxv. 27 ff.). But the 
motive for this act is uncertain, and the exactly 
opposite hypothesis is held by others. All that can 
be said with certainty is that, beneath the firm rule 
of Nebuchadrezzar, intrigues and strifes of parties 
had been secretly growing the manifestation of which 
in the following years threw the government into 
confusion and threatened the collapse of the state. 
Had NergalsharuQur lived longer, he might have 
kept affairs in order and prolonged the life of the 
empire, for his inscriptions indicate that he was a 
man of capacity, active in the restoration of Baby- 
lonian cities and temples, quite in the spirit of 
Nebuchadrezzar. The reign of Nabuna'id introduces 
new elements into the final scene of Babylon's down- 
fall and deserves, therefore, a separate discussion. 



289. The accession of the Kaldi to supremacy in 
Babylonia might be expected to result in the com- 
munication of new and original impulses to the 
somewhat stationary civilization of that ancient land. 
They had proved their right to exist as a people and 
their power both to endure hardness and to rise 
superior to disaster, by centuries of conflict with the 
mightiest organized force that had as yet appeared 
in the world. They had even outlived Assyria and 
divided her spoils, and, unhindered by opposition, 
were now in a position to realize their national ideals 
in the fairest region of the ancient world. 

290. Materials exist in reasonable abundance from 
which to gain knowledge of the contribution made 
by this regime to human progress and to estimate its 
character. It is true that the ruins of Babylon itself 
have not, as yet, been so carefully investigated as to 
yield much information concerning the art and archi- 
tecture of the city in its Kaldean prime, although 
this lack will, it is hoped, be supplied by the work 
of the German commission now excavating there 
(1902). But a thoroughly representative series of 
royal inscriptions exists, as an evidence of the litera- 
ture, and vast collections of business documents, 
extending from the beginning to the end of the 


period, open up the social life of the people in all its 
varied aspects. The writings of the Hebrew exiles 
in the land and the reports of later Greek travellers 
and historians make additions of no little value. 

291. The examination of these sources of informa- 
tion reveals a general result which is at first thought 
somewhat surprising. It discloses a life and culture 
which differ in no essential respects from the Baby- 
lonian civilization of the past two thousand years. 
The sketch of the society of 2500 B. c. (Part I. 
chaps, iii., iv.) stands in the main without need of 
alteration for the society of 500 B. c. As in the case 
of the Kassites (sect. 123), so in that of the Kaldi the 
age-long Babylonian civilization has absorbed the new 
elements and has moulded them into its immemorial 
forms. The same occupations are followed ; the same 
institutions are preserved; the same social classes 
exist; the same principles of legal, political, and 
moral action prevail ; the same forms of intercourse 
are maintained. There seems to be almost a conscious 
effort on the part of the Kaldean leaders to return to 
the ancient customs. So marked is this movement 
that the period can properly be characterized as the 
Renaissance of Old Babylonia. Its most picturesque 
exemplar is king Nabuna'id, whose archaeological 
activities and his deep interest in them have already 
been referred to and will be described in the follow- 
ing chapter (sect. 308). Not less manifest is the 
same tendency in the royal literature, in which, as 
has been noted, not only the literary style but even 
the forms of the characters are modelled after the 
inscriptions of the time of Khammurabi. Winckler 
has said that an inscription of Nebuchadrezzar must 


have made an impression upon the Babylonians of 
this period corresponding to what a German of to- 
day would feel in seeing a modern work printed in 
gothic characters and written in middle-high-German 
(GBA, p. 320). An interesting historical parallel, 
not without significance also, is found in the Egypt 
of the same age which, under the Pharaohs of the 
twenty-sixth dynasty, reveals a return to the past of 
exactly similar character. 

292. It remains for the student of the period to 
indicate in this sphere of imitation of the past the 
distinctive features of the new age, since no epoch 
can precisely reproduce the features of one long gone 
by. Of the various occupations followed, industry 
and commerce seem to have developed beyond agri- 
culture. In the centuries of conflict in Babjdonia 
the farmer suffered most severely, and vast areas of 
country were devastated. The Kaldean kings sought 
to remedy the difficulty by importing populations like 
the Jews, who were settled in the country and appear 
to have been put to agricultural labor. Later, in the 
Persian period, the fertility of the land was astonish- 
ing to the Greek Herodotus, and his testimony illus- 
trates the outcome of the measures instituted by 
Nebuchadrezzar (sect. 7). But industrial pursuits 
and their concomitants, commercial activities, the 
seat of which was in the cities had grown enormously 
and were zealously fostered by the rulers. Of all 
the manufactures, the carpets, cottons, and linens of 
Babylon were still the most famous in the ancient 
world. A development of trade with the south and 
southwest is suggested by the building of the city of 
Teredon at the mouth of the Euphrates, and by the 



spice and incense traffic carrie'd on through the 
Arabian city of Gerrha. The undisturbed posses- 
sion of the Euphrates valley and of the trade-routes 
to the west gave impulses to larger commercial 
energy in that direction. It is Nebuchadrezzar 
who is doubtless referred to by Herodotus under 
the name of Nitocris, to whom is ascribed the 
making of the Euphrates to wind about in its 
course, that thus its force might be diminished 
and its use by the frail boats and rafts still employed 
for traffic facilitated. The other improvements in 
canals and in the Euphrates itself, and the building 
of the quays, not only at Babylon but also at Bag- 
dad and elsewhere by these kings, point to their 
recognition of the importance of trade and com- 
merce, which never was so enormous as in this 
period. Ezekiel declares that his people had been 
carried away into "a land of traffic" and "set in 
a city of merchants " (xvii. 4), though he also adds 
that they were "planted in a fruitful soil" and 
placed "beside many waters" and "set as a willow 
tree " (ibid. v. 5). 

293. The pre-eminence of industrial life illustrates 
other changes which had come over Babylonian so- 
ciety in this period. Social life, if it had preserved 
its ancient distinctions of noble and common man, was 
permeated by the spirit of business. Even kings and 
princes appear in documents describing ordinary busi- 
ness transactions. NergalsharuQur borrows money 
to buy a house. Belshazzar, son of Nabuna'id, sells 
wool and takes security for the payment, as any other 
merchant. Indeed, it has been thought that the old 
aristocracy had practically disappeared, and that tlie 


merchant princes and ecclesiastical lords had taken 
its place. Certain families, like that of the Egibi at 
Babylon and the Murashu at Nippur, were prominent 
financiers and handed down their talents, both mate- 
rial and intellectual, through several generations. 
Gold and silver w^ere the standards of value, and it 
has been calculated that the ratio between the two 
was from eleven, or twelve, to one. Coinage had 
improved, smaller portions of the precious metals 
being stamped as five shekel and one shekel pieces. 
Interest varied from twenty per cent to ten per cent. 
294. Accompanying this industrial development 
was the transference of the bulk of the population to 
the cities, and chiefly to Babylon. In the capital, 
doubtless, the refinement and luxury of civilized 
society in the ancient world reached its highest 
point. Herodotus has an interesting picture of the 
Babylonian gentleman of the time: 

The dress of the Babylonians is a linen tunic reach- 
ing to the feet, and above it another tunic made in wool, 
besides which they have a short white cloak thrown 
round them, and shoes of a peculiar fashion, not unlike 
those worn by the Boeotians. They have long hair, 
wear turbans on their heads, and anoint their whole 
body with perfumes. Every one carries a seal, and a 
walking stick, carved at the top into the form of an 
apple, a rose, a lily, an eagle, or something similar; for 
it is not their habit to use a stick without an ornament 
(Her., I. 195). 

To this description may be added that of Ezekiel, 
who pictured " the Chaldeans portrayed with vermil- 
ion, girded with girdles upon their loins, with dyed 


turbans upon their heads, all of them princes to look 
upon" (Ezek. xxiii. 14 f.). 

295. The family life continued to be the basis of 
social organization. Few changes are traceable, and 
these were in the direction of a higher standard of 
morals. The practice of polygamy or concubinage 
appears to be much restricted, and the custom of 
marriage by purchase was practically done away with. 
The wife still brought her dowry. The position of 
woman was still as free and as high as before. The 
strange statement of Herodotus as to the religious 
prostitution of the Babylonian women is, in itself, 
incredible, as well as his stories of the marriage -market 
(I. 196, 199). The contemporaneous documents bear 
quite the opposite testimony. 

296. The history of the Kaldean regime is a suffi 
cient illustration of the character of the state during 
this period. It differed from the earlier Babylonian 
organization, chiefly because the Assyrian Empire had 
done its work. It was more centralized; the king 
was less of a sacred personage and more of a warrior 
and administrator. Yet there appears here the return 
to the old-time conception of the ecclesiastical char- 
acter of the ruler, inseparable from a king of Babylon, 
and in harmony with this renaissance spirit. That 
an imperial administration was possible at all was 
due to the Assyrian system already in vogue in the 
provinces, and to an army which was chiefly composed 
of mercenaries gathered from the ends of the earth. 
Tradition has preserved the name of a certain Anti- 
menidas, a Greek of Mitylene, who was a prominent 
figure among the soldiers of Nebuchadrezzar (Strabo, 
XIII. 2, 3). The character of the soldiery was not 


high. The impression made upon subject peoples 
is illustrated by the testimony of the Hebrew prophets. 
Habakkuk declares, "Their horses also are swifter 
than leopards, and are more tierce than the evening 
wolves ; and their horsemen spread themselves : yea, 
their horsemen come from far; they fly as an eagle 
that hasteth to devour. They come all of them for 
violence ; their faces are set eagerly as the east wind ; 
and they gather captives as the sand " (Hab. i. 8, 9). 
297. The glory of Babylonia, however, was in the 
arts of peace, and this age was not behind in the cul- 
tivation of science, aesthetics, and literature. But 
there is no evidence that, in this direction more than 
in others, was there any endeavor to outdo the past. 
The literary art showed, perhaps, greater elaboration 
of details, but there was no new thought. Its quality 
and influence are best estimated by the example of 
the one people of genius that breathed its atmosphere. 
Hebrew literature, of the exile and after, is in form 
separated by a great gulf from that of the earlier 
period. The peculiarities of the style of Ezekiel 
and of Zechariah the artificiality of form and the 
grotesqueness of conception are Babylonian. But 
the mechanical correctness of these writers becomes 
harmony and unity of presentation in such a literary 
artist as the author of the second part of Isaiah. 
"His discourse, serene, affluent, and glowing, is an 
image of a Babylonian landscape. As it unrolls itself, 
we think of fields and gardens and stately palms 
and bending v/illows and gently flowing streams, 
stretching away over an ample plain, and all standing 
out clear in the light of a cloudless sky " (McCurdy, 
HPM, III. p. 420). For a fuller knowledge of the 


contribution of the Kaldean period to the artistic 
development it will be necessary to await further 
excavation on the site of Babylon ; but already it is 
known that the special type of artistic adornment in 
the Kaldean palaces was the wall decorated in colors. 
Bricks enamelled in colors are among the commonest 
articles picked up on the mounds of Babylon. It 
is the walls of Nebuchadrezzar's palace to which 
Diodorus refers in speaking of " every kind of aninial 
imitated according to all the rules of art both as to 
form and color; the whole represented the chase of 
various animals, the latter being more than four 
cubits high in the middle Semiramis on horseback 
letting fly an arrow against a panther, and on one 
side her husband Ninus at close quarters with a lion " 
(Diod., II. 8, 6). This description is confirmed by 
the recent discovery of the throne-room of the palace 
with beautifully colored decorations of this character, 
which took the place of the bas-reliefs of Ninevite 

298. In the sphere of religion the Kaldean period 
was most active, and yet most characteristically con- 
servative. It was the brief Indian summer of the 
faith, cherished through so many centuries in the 
temples by successive generations of zealous priests 
and devout worshippers. Ancient cults were revived ; 
ruined shrines restored; old endowments renewed. 
Yet the ideas of the gods and of their place and pre- 
rogatives in the pantheon had changed but slightly. 
Mention has already been made of the preference of 
the kings for Marduk and Nabu (sect. 284), and of 
the approach to monotheism and spirituality which 
appears in the prayers of Nebuchadrezzar. Nabuna'id, 


it is thought, sought to raise Shamash, the sun-god, 
to the level of Marduk and Nabu, but the attempt 
only cost him the enmity of the priests of the capital. 
Everywhere priestly control made the cult the 
dominant element in the religion; its materialistic 
features, its demonology, its incantation ceremonials, 
and its astrology continued to be the popular ele- 
ments. The condition of morals was fluctuating, 
affected, it is true, by noble expressions of faith and 
devotion such as are found in the hymns and prayers, 
but elevated and maintained at a worthy standard far 
more by the secular activities of business. True, it 
^vas a commercial and mercantile morality, but a 
striking testimony is borne to it by a later writer 
who mentions, among the other virtues of the Baby- 
lonians, their imperturbability and their straightfor- 
wardness (Nic. of Damascus, Fr. 131), characteristics 
of which the Stoics were proud. The influence of 
the religion upon outside peoples was, however, never 
as potent as in this period. The international life of 
east and west, now so close and reciprocal, afforded 
the most favorable opportunity for the extension of 
the profound cosmological and theological ideas 
which, in strange and often grotesque forms, had 
been wrought out on Babylonian soil. The fertile 
and inquiring Greek mind was now brought within 
close range, and the reports of eastern travellers 
stimulated the curiosity and the thoughts of the 
philosophers. The Jews, too, drank in the teach- 
ings. "The finishing touches to the structure of 
Judaism given on Babylonian soil reveal the 
Babylonian trade-mark. Ezekiel, in many respects 
the most characteristic Jewish figure of the exile, is 


steeped in Babylonian theology and mysticism ; and 
the profound influence of Ezekiel is recognized by 
modern scholarship in the religious spirit that char- 
acterizes the Jews upon the reorganization of their 
commonwealth " (Jastrow, RBA, pp. 696 f.). 

299. This splendid renaissance of the past, which 
is the achievement of the Kaldi for Babylonia, has 
its shining example and supreme symbol in the city 
of Babylon. The devotion of the great Nebuchad- 
rezzar to his capital has already been indicated (sect. 
284). To present, however imperfectly, a general 
picture of the city as it came from the hands of its 
Kaldean rulers is a service due to their memory. 
At the same time this supreme interest is the 
best illustration of the limitations as well as the 
height of their ideals. It is possible at present, with 
some certainty, to connect at least two of the three 
great mounds on the site of the ancient city, now 
called Babel, Kasr, and Amran, with the special 
structures, palaces, temple, and gardens which are 
ascribed to Nebuchadrezzar, even if the many other 
ruin-heaps in the vicinity cannot be identified. The 
many royal inscriptions of the Kaldi and the de- 
scriptions of the Greek writers permit a sketch of 
the Babylon of that day. The city proper, the 
nucleus and heart of it, was that which lay along the 
east bank of the Euphrates and within the inner wall 
called Imgur Bel, which stretched in a kind of half- 
circle out from the river. The chief buildings within 
this wall were the temple and the palace. Around 
this inner wall there ran a second wall called Ne- 
mitti Bel, roughly parallel to it and at a considerable 
distance from it, constituting the defence of the 


larger city. Its circumference, including the river 
front, was about eight miles. Each of these walls 
had its moat. Though of about the same size as 
Nineveh (sect. 231), Babylon was much more thickly 
populated, the houses being three and four stories in 
height. The streets of the city ran at right angles, 
and all the spaces about the temple and between the 
walls were probably occupied with private houses or 
buildings for business. 

300. The temple, the centre of the inner city, 
consisted of a complex of structures, situated upon 
its elevated platform and surrounded by its own wall. 
Most conspicuous was the ziggurat, or temple -tower 
of seven stages, which the king rebuilt. Of this 
Herodotus says: "The ascent to the top is on the 
outside by a path which winds round all the towers 
(stages). When one is about half-way up, one finds 
a resting-place and seats where persons are wont to 
sit some time on their way to the summit. On the 
topmost tower (stage) there is a spacious temple, and 
inside the temple stands a couch of unusual size richly 
adorned with a golden table by its side. There is 
no statue of any kind set up in the place." Beside 
the tower was the shrine of the god Marduk, E-kua, 
a magnificent structure whose walls glistened with 
gold, precious stones, and alabaster, and whose roof 
was of fragrant cedar of Lebanon. At the entrance 
was the shrine of the goddess, his spouse, and else- 
where were the sanctuaries of Nabu and other deities. 
Of another sacred chamber Nebuchadrezzar records 

The shrine of the Fates, where, on Zagmuku, the 
beginning of the year, on the eighth and the eleventh 


day, the king, the god of heaven and earth, the lord of 
heaven, takes up his residence, where the gods of heaven 
and earth reverently pay obedience and stand bowed 
down before him; a fate of a far-distant day, as the 
fate of my life, they determine therein : that shrine, the 
shrine of royalty, the shrine of lordly power, belonging 
to the leader of the gods, the Prince Marduk, which a 
former king had constructed with silver, I decorated with 
shining gold and brilliant ornaments (EIFI, II. 54 ff). 

From the door of the temple a passage led to the sacred 
street, A-ibur-shabu, along which the sacred ships of 
the gods were wont to be borne on festal days, while 
by the temple's side the sacred canal ran from the 
Euphrates eastward, bringing water for sacred uses. 

301. To the north lay the palace between the canal 
and the inner wall. Built or renewed by Nabu- 
palu9ur, it had fallen into decay and had to be re- 
paired by his son. For so great a king, however, it 
had become too small. Yet it could not be enlarged 
without encroaching on the sacred domains of the 
god. Nebuchadrezzar restored it, therefore, exactly 
after the old dimensions, but across the inner wall, 
either to the north or east, within the outer wall, he 
cleared a space, and within fifteen days the turrets of 
a splendid palace appeared, uniting the two walls and 
making, with its own intersecting battlements, a cita- 
del which protected alike the outer and the inner city. 
Upon the furnishing of this palace were lavished all the 
resources of his empire. Cedar, cypress, palm, and 
other costly woods, gold, silver, bronze, copper, and 
precious stones, brick and marble from the distant 
mountains, were employed in its construction and 


802. This palace, which was also a citadel, was 
but one of the many defences which were devised for 
the city's security. The inner and outer walls were 
raised and strengthened. Most imposing of all was 
the system of fortifications placed by Nebuchadrezzar 
quite outside of the walls already described. It con- 
sisted of a combination of earthworks and water-ways. 
A wall was built of colossal dimensions, four thousand 
cubits (one and one half miles ?) east of Nemitti-Bel. 
The extremities were connected with canals or 
earthworks which reached to the Euphrates ; it was 
itself protected by a fortified moat. This was the 
mighty work which astonished Herodotus. He gave 
its height as somewhat more than three hundred and 
seventy feet, and its width more than ninety feet. 
The summit was lined with battlements and guard 
chambers, between which on either side a space was 
left sufficient for a four-horse chariot to turn. The 
wall was pierced by an hundred brazen gates (Her., 
I. 178 ff.). 

303. Adornment and practical utility as well as 
defence were in the mind of Nebuchadrezzar when 
he put his hand to the rebuilding of Babylon. He 
dug again the sacred canal and lined it with brick ; 
he raised the sacred street, carrying it by a bridge 
over the canal and lifting higher the gates of the two 
city walls at the point where it passed through them. 
He built up the bank of the Euphrates with bricks, 
making splendid quays, which still exist, walled them 
in and opened gates at the points where the city 
streets came down to the water's edge. Later his- 
torians dwell on his magnificent hanging gardens, 
which rose somewhere near his palaces; they were 


built in lofty terraces to solace his Median queen for 
the absence of her beloved mountains. Across the 
river, in the twin city of Borsippa, he rebuilt the city 
wall and restored the temple tower of the god Nabu, 
son of Marduk. In time the two cities became more 
and. more united. It is this double city which seems 
to be in the mind of Herodotus when he describes 
Babylon as a great square about fourteen miles on 
each side, the walls making a circuit of fifty-six miles 
and enclosing an area of two hundred square miles. 
While the Babylon of the Kaldi was much smaller 
than this, their devotion to it manifested itself in 
these initial works that in course of time produced 
the larger and more famous city. Already it con- 
tained at least two of the seven wonders of the world, 
and its beauty and wealth made it for a long time 
thereafter the chief centre of the east. " From Nebu- 
chadrezzar to the Mongol invasion " it was well-nigh 
"the greatest commercial city of the world." 

304. For Babylon remained, after the wreck of the 
Semitic domination of the East, as glorious as before 
and as imperious in the realm of commerce and of 
culture. She had succeeded to the varying and petty 
local powers that, in the beginnings of history, strug- 
gled with one another for a transient pre-eminence. 
She had laid, there and then, the foundations of the 
state which had endured for millenniums. She had 
outlasted the empire on the Tigris. She had been the 
despair of the statesmen of Assyria, and a decisive 
element in the downfall of that monarchy. She had 
been the pride of the Kaldean monarchs, and was at 
last the grave of their glory. She had given to the 
ancient world its laws, its literature, its religion. In 


the words of Professor Rawlinson: "Hers was ap- 
parently the genius which excogitated an alphabet; 
worked out the simpler problems of arithmetic; in- 
vented implements for measuring the lapse of time; 
conceived the idea of raising enormous structures 
with the poorest of all materials, clay; discovered 
the art of polishing, boring, and engraving gems; 
reproduced with truthfulness the outlines of human 
and animal forms; attained to high perfection in 
textile fabrics; studied with success the motions of 
the heavenly bodies; conceived of grammar as a 
science; elaborated a system of law; saw the value 
of an exact chronology ; in almost every branch of 
science made a beginning, thus rendering it com- 
paratively easy for other nations to proceed with the 
superstructure. ... It was from the east, not from 
Egypt, that Greece derived her architecture, her 
sculpture, her science, her philosophy, her mathe- 
matical knowledge, in a word, her intellectual life. 
And Babylon was the source to which the entire 
stream of eastern civilization may be traced. It is 
scarcely too much to say that, but for Babylon, real 
civilization might not even yet have dawned upon 
the earth" (Gt. Mon., III. pp. 75 f.). 

305. Upon the people of Israel, too, Babylon left 
her mark. Though mistress of their state and its 
destroyer, she could not rule their spirits. Their 
prophets looked forward to her fall and rejoiced. 
To them, the image of all material prosperity, she was 
set over against that higher ideal of victorious suffer- 
ing, of spiritual achievement, the triumph of which 
in their vision was sure. Thus pictured by them, 
Babylon has lived on in the imagination of Christen- 


dom as the supreme symbol of the rich, the cruel, the 
lustful, the enemy of saints, the Antichrist, destined 
to destruction. Who shall say that, thus seeing, 
these prophets did not behold clearly the vital weak- 
ness of that ancient civilization in her, its embodi- 
ment? With all her glory Babylon was of the earth 
and is fallen ; Jerusalem, which is from above, abideth 



806. The conspiracy which placed Nabuna'id upon 
the throne (555-539 b. c.) seems to have involved 
a transfer of emphasis in the politics of the state. 
Nabuna'id was not a Kaldean but a Babylonian noble, 
son of a prince, Nabu-balatsu-iqbi. In his long stele 
inscription, to which reference has already been made 
(sect. 288), he declares his purpose to conduct affairs 
after the example of Nebuchadrezzar and Nabupal- 
UQur. In fact, his rather numerous inscriptions 
present him not only as a devout worshipper of the 
gods and a restorer of temples, but also as a vigorous 
and zealous defender of the imperial authority. The 
empire stood intact within its old limits when he 
came into possession of it, and in the first years of 
his reign he paid no little attention to the mainte- 
nance of his authority in the west. In the badly 
broken first column of his so-called Annals, references 
made to Hamath and the mountains of Amanus, 
in connection with military movements, indicate that 
he was active in Syria, and fragments of Menander 
suggest that in his reign dynastic troubles in Tyre 
led to his setting, first, Merbaal (555-552 b. c), and 
then Hirom III. (551-532 b. c), both hostages at 
his court, upon the Tyrian throne. The impulse to 
these western expeditions may have been given by the 


new relations to the Manda (Medes) which the last 
years had induced, and which may now be described 
in some detail. 

307. During the lifetime of Nebuchadrezzar the 
alliance with the Manda (Medes) had remained firm, 
although to Cyaxares had succeeded (about 584 b. c.) 
his son Ishtuvegu (Astyages). The rapid changes 
which followed upon the death of the great Kaldean 
monarch, and particularly the transference of the 
succession from the Kaldean to the Babylonian line, 
in the person of Nabuna'id, seem to have been the 
occasion of estrangement between the two peoples. 
Nabuna'id asserts that in the beginning of his reign 
the Manda had been in possession of northern Meso- 
potamia and were encamped about Haran. But one 
of those sudden reversals of supremacy not uncom- 
mon in the beginnings of great empires had taken 
place in Media. Among the communities that ac- 
knowledged the sway of Astyages was the province 
of Anshan in northern Elam, occupied by the Per- 
sians under their hereditary chieftains of the house of 
Teispes. The king of Anshan during these years, 
a certain Cyrus, raised a rebellion against his suzerain 
(about 553 b. c.) which resulted in the downfall of 
Astyages and the supremacy of Cyrus and the Per- 
sians (550 b. c). During these troubles the move- 
ment of Astyages against Babylonia was given up, 
and Nabuna'id reports that by 553 B. c. there were no 
Manda about Haran. He also dwells with satisfaction 
upon the overthrow of Astyages by Cyrus, king of 
Anshan, as a divine intervention in his own favor. 
The way was open for him to send an expedition not 
only to Haran to rebuild the temple there, but to 


advance farther into the west. He was doubtless 
gratified that inner troubles were breaking up the 
Median Empire, as had so often been the case among 
the loose agglomerations of peoples in the northern 
mountains, and he felt that henceforth neither their 
friendship nor their enmity was particularly signifi- 
cant, little dreaming that within two decades the 
young conqueror would be knocking at his own gates. 
The career of Cyrus is one of the marvels of antiq- 
uity. His victory over his Median suzerain was not 
merely the substitution of one dynasty for another, 
nor was it followed by internecine wars in which the 
fresh and vigorous peoples of the north were crip- 
pled. With consummate statesmanship the young 
king united all elements, inspired them with a com- 
mon spirit, and out of a kingdom in which tribes and 
peoples had been joined in loose confederation about 
a common overlord, he built the solid foundations of 
the Medo-Persian Empire. 

308. The immunity from hostile complications 
with the Medes, enjoyed by Nabuna'id during the 
years that followed, he improved by pursuing those 
works of peace in which his prototype Nebuchadrez- 
zar had gained such renown. With the details of 
such building operations his inscriptions are filled. 
The peculiar delight which they represent him as feel- 
ing in these works and the unique method which he 
adopted in the prosecution of them have led scholars 
to regard him as a political weakling, a cultured 
dilettante, an archaeological virtuoso, to whom the 
discovery of an ancient foundation stone was more 
significant than the conduct of the state or the 
defence of the empire. Further knowledge has 


370 Kew babylonia 

proved the accusation unjust, although the facts on 
which it was based are evident enough. In his zeal 
for the reconstruction of temples he was not satisfied 
with clearing off the superficial rubbish of the mound, 
but must dig down through the successive layers of 
ruins, until the original foundation had been reached 
and the inscription of the first builder had been un- 
covered. Reference has already been made to the 
value of the data which he thus published (sect. 40) 
for the construction of a Bab3donian chronology. A 
passage may be here given from an inscription, illus- 
trative at once of his devout piety and his archaeo- 
logical perseverance and of its scientific value for 
modern scholars: 

For Shamash, the judge of heaven and earth, E-bab- 
bara, his temple which is in Sippar, which Nebuchad- 
rezzar, a former king, had rebuilt, after searching for its 
platform-foundation without finding it that house he 
rebuilt, but in forty-five years its walls had fallen in. 
I became anxious and humble ; I was alarmed and much 
troubled. When I had brought out Shamash from within 
it and made him take residence in another house, I pulled 
that house down and made search for its old platform- 
foundation ; and I dug to a depth of eighteen cubits, and 
Shamash, the great lord of E-babbara, the temple, the 
dwelling well pleasing to him, permitted me to behold 
the platform-foundation of Naram Sin, the son of Sargon, 
which during a period of thirty-two hundred years no 
king among my predecessors had seen. In the month 
Tishrit, in a favorable month, on an auspicious day, re- 
vealed to me by Shamash and Adad in a vision, with 
silver, gold, costly and precious stones, products of the 
forest, sweet-smelling cedars, amid joy and rejoicing, I 
raised its brick-work not an inch inward or outWard 


upon the platform -foundation of Naram Sin, the son of 
Sargon. I laid in rows five thousand large cedars for its 
roof; I set up in its doorways high doors of cedar. . . . 
I took the hands of Shamash, my lord, and with joy and 
rejoicing I made him take up a residence therein well 
pleasing to him. I found the inscription written in the 
name of Naram Sin, the son of Sargon, and I did not 
alter it. I anointed it with oil, offered sacrifices, placed 
it with my inscription, and restored it to its place 
(Nab. Cyl. II. 47 ff.). 

He claims thus to have reconstructed, besides this 
temple of Shamash in Sippar, that of Anunit, also in 
Sippar, that of Sin in Haran, the temple E-ul-bar in 
Agade, the tower and other shrines in Ur and the 
Shamash temple at Larsam. 

309. It was not to be expected that in a hot-bed 
of intrigue such as Babylon was at this time, the 
various activities of Nabuna'id were pursued with 
a successful harmonization of all factions. With 
Nebuchadrezzar as example, he sought to maintain 
the empire, while at the same time he honored the 
gods ; but in both respects he appears to have failed. 
He called himself "patron of Esagila and Ezida," 
temples of Marduk and Nabu in Babylon and Bor- 
sippa; he gave rich gifts to these deities; yet his 
rearing of temples to other gods, and especially the 
attention paid to Shamash, the sun-god, are thought 
to have arrayed against him the priests of Babylon, 
as though he were planning to put that deity in the 
place of pre-eminence given by Nebuchadrezzar to 
Marduk and Nabu. Nor may his hardly concealed 
satisfaction at the victory of Cyrus over Astyages 
have pleased those who remembered Nebuchadrezzar's 


alliance with Media. He certainly left the conqueror 
unmolested, if indeed, as some think, he did not give 
him aid in his rebellion, a policy which, however 
shrewd, was not acceptable to the Kaldeans. Thus 
difficulties were inevitable. A hint of the situation 
is given in the Annals, where, beginning with the 
seventh year of the king (549 b. c), it is said that 
he "was in Tema; the son of the king, the nobles 
and his soldiers in Akkad. (The king for Nisan) 
did not come to Babylon. Nabu did not come to 
Babylon; Bel was not brought forth." In other 
words, the usual yearly ceremonial, by which a king 
renewed his royal authority in " taking the hands of 
Bel" in Babylon, did not take place. The same 
omission is chronicled in effect for the eighth, ninth, 
tenth, and eleventh years (548-545 B.C.), and may 
have continued, though the breaking of the Annals 
at this point permits no positive statement. It is 
difficult to understand how he could have maintained 
himself as king, if this retirement to Tema and the 
omission of an indispensable ceremonial had been 
due to his own carelessness regarding affairs of state 
and his absorption in his temples and books. The 
facts are more satisfactorily interpreted by supposing 
that, with his seventh year, on account of universal 
dissatisfaction he was forced into retirement, and the 
conduct of affairs assumed by his son, Bel-shar-u^ur 
(Belshazzar), with whom began more active measures 
towards protecting the state from its Medo-Persian 

310. The consequences of this change of attitude 
towards Cyrus soon became apparent. In the year 
547 B. c. he appeared with his army at the Tigris 


below Arbela, and seems to have taken possession of 
a border state, so that now the troops garrisoning the 
frontier cities of the Medo-Persian and Babylonian 
empires stood face to face. The conflict seemed 
imminent; but affairs in another quarter of the king- 
dom demanded the presence and activity of Cyrus, 
and a few years intervened before the final struggle 
took place. 

311. The extraordinary success of Cyrus alarmed 
all the older states of the oriental world, and they 
bestirred themselves to resist his progress. The 
initiative was taken apparently by Lydia, which, 
under its king, Croesus, was now the great power 
of Asia Minor. Both commerce and culture had 
brought that state into close association with the 
Greek cities as well as with Egypt and Babylonia. 
The advent of the new and aggressive Persian power 
was disturbing to all parties alike. Accordingly, a 
quadruple alliance w\as formed by Croesus of Lydia, 
Amasis of Egypt, Sparta, as leader of the Greek 
states, and the war party now in power at Babylon, 
with the evident purpose of putting a stop to the 
advance of Cyrus (about 547 b. c). He accepted 
the challenge and marched westward against the 
most formidable and aggressive of his opponents, the 
king of Lydia, before the troops of the other leaguers 
could join with him. Croesus, nothing loath, crossed 
the Halys in 546 b. c, but was beaten and lost his 
kingdom the next year (545 b. c). 

812. Babylon's time of trial was now at hand. 
Unfortunately the beginning of the advance of Cyrus 
into the Mesopotamian valley and the details of the 
earlier years of the struggle, as well as the ebb and 


flow of party strife at Babylon are quite unknown, 
a gap occurring in the Annals at this point. The 
inscription becomes again intelligible with the seven- 
teenth and last year of Nabuna'id (739 B. c.)- The 
Babylonian king is now in the capital, and the usual 
religious ceremonials are performed. Cyrus is on the 
northeastern frontier. Has Nabuna'id been released 
from his confinement at Tema in consequence of the 
breaking down of the plans of his enemies ? However 
that may be, he has gathered into Babylon the images 
of the gods from the length and breadth of Akkad, 
excepting those of Borsippa, Kutha, and Sippar, 
with a view either to their protection or to the aid 
they may supply to the capital. The action was 
ill-timed from the point of view of the priests of 
Marduk, Babylon's city god, whose prerogative and 
power were thus underestimated or even dishonored. 
Cyrus's attack upon the great system of defences was 
made at Upi (Opis), at the junction of the Tigris 
and the Turnat, where he broke through and stood 
on Babylonian soil in October, 639 B. c. Belshazzar 
and his army were beaten back. Nabuna'id sought 
in vain to organize the people for defence. Sippar 
was taken early in October, and the king fled to 
Babylon, closely pursued by a detachment of the 
Persians under Gubaru (Gobryas). It might well be 
thought that the broad and lofty walls of the capital 
would long withstand the assaults of an enemy; the 
narrative of Herodotus (I. 190, 191) tells how, after 
a tedious siege, Cyrus, in despair, set about divert- 
ing the main channel of the Euphrates and by march- 
ing his troops into the city through the river gates, 
thus laid open, took the defenders by surprise and 


captured the city. Nothing, however, could be farther 
from the actual event. Gubaru found friends within 
the walls who opened the gates soon after his arrival ; 
Babylon fell into the hands of the Persians without 
a struggle. So deeply had the feuds of parties, 
ecclesiastical and political, eaten into the body poli- 
tic that the capital was betrayed by its own citizens. 
The so-called Cyrus cylinder has perpetuated the 
memory of this infamy. There, in words written 
under the hand of Babylonian priests, it is said that 
Marduk, in wrath at the loss of his prerogative and 
the complaints of his servants, not only abandoned 
the city, but 

He searched through all lands; he saw him, and he 
sought the righteous prince, after his own heart, whom 
he took by the hand. Cyrus, king of Anshan, he called 
by name; to sovereignty over the whole world he ap- 
pointed him. , . . Marduk, the great lord, guardian of 
his people, looked with joy on his pious works and his 
upright heart; he commanded him to go to his city 
Babylon, and he caused him to take the road to Babylon, 
going by his side as a friend and companion , . . with- 
out skirmish or battle he permitted him to enter Baby- 
lon. He spared his city Babylon in (its) calamity. 
Kabonidus, the king, who did not reverence him, he 
delivered into his hand. All the people of Babylon, all 
Shumer and Akkad, nobles and governors, prostrated 
themselves before him, kissed his feet, rejoiced at his 
sovereignty, showed happiness in their faces (Cyrus Cyl., 
11 ff). 

313. A fM^ays later, Cyrus himself entered the 
city. Nabuna'id had already been captured. He 
was treated kindly and exiled to the east. Belshaz- 


zar was shortly afterward slain, while, as it seems, 
making a last stand with the remnant of his forces. 
The new lord worshipped at the ancient shrines, 
glorified the gods that had given him headship over 
their land and people, and received in his royal city 
Babylon the kings, from all quarters of the world, 
who came bringing their heavy taxes and kissed his 
feet. He called himself by the old familiar titles 
"Cyrus, king of the world, the great king, the 
powerful king, the king of Babylon, the king of 
Shumer and Akkad, the king of the four quarters 
of the world, . . . whose reign Bel and Nabu love, 
whose sovereignty they longed for in the desire of 
their hearts." But the words are empty echoes of a 
vanishing past. It was, in fact, a new master of 
the nations, who stood upon the ruins of the mighty 
Semitic communities that for millenniums had ruled 
the world. A man of another race, to whom the 
valley of the Tigris and the Euphrates was no longer 
the centre of human power and human civilization, 
whose ideals of the divine and the human world were 
formed under other skies, and whose empire stretched 
far away beyond the boundaries of Assyria in its 
fairest splendor, was henceforth to direct the destinies 
of the peoples, whose leadership of human history 
has been followed from its dawn to its setting. A 
new force had come to its own, and another chapter 
of human progress began. 


City-states flourish in South Babylonia. 
Expansion and Conflicts of City-states. 
Enshagsagana, of Kengi, victor over Kish. 
Mesilim, king of Kish, victor over Shirpurla. 
Dynasty of Ur Nina, king of Shirpurla, 

victor over Gishban ; Stele of Vultures. 
Lugalzaggisi, king of Gishban, ruler as far 

as the Mediterranean. 
Alusharshid, of Kish, conqueror of Elam. 
Sargon, king of Agade, and his son Naram 

Sin, lords of the Mediterranean coast-land, 

of northern Mesopotamia, and of Elam. 
Ur Bau and other patesis of Shirpurla. 
Gudea, patesi of Shirpurla. 
Ur Gur and Dungi I., kings ol Ur, kings of 

Shumer and Akkad. 
Kings of Uruk and Isin. 
Second Dynasty of Ur ; Dungi II., lord of 

the West. 
Migrations and Invasions : Arabians and 

Elamites enter Babylon. 
First Dynasty of kings of Babylon. 
Rira Sin, Elamite king of Larsam, king of 

Shumer and Akkad. 
Khammurabi, king of Babylon, victor over 

the Elamites, unifier of Babylonia. 
Ammiditana, of Babylonia, king of the West. 
Second Dynasty of Babylonian kings. 
In the centuries before 2000 b. c. Babylonian influence, po- 
litical and commercial, was predominant in the Mediterranean 

By 5000 B.C. 
About 4500-2250 

" 4500 

*' 4400 

" 4200 













ns appear in norlh- 
esopotamia and Khatti 
them Syria 











. . 

driven out of Egypt 
nth Dynastv in Egypt 
ers and rufes between 
ile and the Euphrates 
se III. (ab. 1480-1427) 








Hittites) advance and 
late Syria ; Egypt 
raws to Palestine 


^^ o 

c H c 

the N 



hatti ( 



ffiW H 






. 1 






i^esi* and Kings o 

Ishme Dagan anc 

Adad I.; Shamsh 

, son of Igur (Bel) 













sheshu of Assyria 

xtension of As-syrii 



eser I., extension o 
an power to the N. W 
i made the capital 





'a -s 


Belnirari, e 
to the ea 









1 1 

3 3 

2 ^.-^ 






s -s S 

"to "on 



S <J P.<^ 





Oi O 








1 O lO (MOOO "t>(M 






t^ o -* -*<* rt) cc 




r^ . 


C 08 






w a 


















sions. The world o 
m every side, 



ting of Babylon 
;ment between Kj 
id Ashurbelnishes 




gas), usurper 
Elam and Assyria 



1 and Inva 
sturbed o 
by the Ki 


kakrime, 1 
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fabylon ai 
hman Bel 
burvas 1. 

ilzu I. 
burvas II. 
arries dau 









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.= S 



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E S 





2 as S5 

T3 fcCo C 3 

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c i5 




cc S o 


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^^ n. 




c o 

? c 

^=^ ^ 



a a 


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na^irpal II. 

od of decline and dark- 
in Assyria : only kings' 
es known are 
shurkirbi (?) 
ba Adad 
shurnadinakhi II. 

c o 


i: 3 





es 3 


hpileser I. : c 
orth, N. W., w 
niia, Babylon 
Syria(?). W 
of Assyrian te 
belkala: capit 





3 CS 

in n 




r ev..o :::::: 

c o 

c ^ 
^ as 




.s -s 

pq g 

S * 
o oj 

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OS cc aj 


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C 03 





^ o s 










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00 w 


05 goo 00 00 














.t: " c -^c^ u 

Q. t- O 2' oo C 










S = s 














00 CO 








oi -r c 








5^<cooo^_SfQ<^< ^o -^ 
t 3 -foi-iT'co E ^05 co'jT ^"oo" 
^ 2 00 oo ao 00 _g ^oo oo oo oo <x 











&, ^ 1-S > O O o 

-S.S "^og K^ 52^ ^ o 

k>4 " '-a'-woi-' ^ 

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eS eS 


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-^ t-(N t- 







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CO 1 

t^ 00 












S tp g CO - j2 ^ 5K .= -a 

t ^ ^ <J ^ 



^ ^ .^ w >, u 

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* ^.2 =^ 513 

rj**^ aj-* 03^- ^ 

T-i O CO 

-ri t~~ CO ^ io la ^ X> IV 

-! ^1 l^i ii III I Pi = 

:i;^^ili Ji^liil 1 III I 

||Sij ^g je||>s.||'3 -3 III =! 

lias ii =11 Isji-alll I il? il 




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^ >> 

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i^ CD 
-*< CO 

0) c 

a =r 


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[^ 03-C .. c S 
03 "C ^ "-^ ^-' 

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DuH A Duncker The History of Antiquity (trans- 
lated by Evelyn Abbott). 6 vols. Lon- 
don, 1877-1882. 

MeyGA Meyer Geschichte des Altertums. I. Ge- 

schichte des Orients bis zur BegrUndung 
des Perserreichs. Stuttgart, 1884. 

MaDC 1 .... Maspero Histoire ancienne des peuples de 

MaSN > I'orient classique. Translated as three 

MaPE J separate volumes : I. The Dawn of Civili- 

zation ; II. The Struggle of the Nations ; 
HI. The Passing of the Empires. London, 
SPCK, 1894-1900 (New York: Appleton). 

McHPM McCurdy History, Prophecy, and the Mon- 
uments; or, Israel and the Nations. 
3 vols. New York, 1894-1901. (3d Ed. 
revised of Vol. L 1898, 2d Ed. of Vol. 
II. 1897). 

RawlGM Rawlinson The Five Great Monarchies of 

the Ancient Eastern World. 3 vols. 
New York, 2d Ed., 1871. 

LenHA ..... Lenormant Histoire ancienne de I'orient 
jusqu'aux guerres mediques (continued 
by Babelon). 6 vols. Paris, 1881-1888. 

HeWG . . , . . Helmolt Weltgeschichte. Band III. West- 
asien (by Winckler). Leipzig, 1901. 
Hommel The Civilization of the East. 
Temple Primer. (Trans, from the 
author's Geschichte des alten Morgen- 
landes. Stuttgart, 1895). London, n.d. 



Belck Beitrage zur alten Geographie und 
Geschichte Vorderasiens, I., II. Leipzig, 

KrGAG Krall Grundriss der Altorientalischen Ge- 
schichte. Erster Theil: Bis auf Kyros. 
Wien, 1899. 

WaESG Wachsmuth Einleitung in das Studium 

der Alten Geschichte. Leipzig, 1895. 
Winckler Die Yolker Vorderasiens. Leip- 
zig, 1899. 


TiBAG Tiele Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte. 

Zwei Teile. Gotha, 1886-1888. 

HoGB A Hommel Geschichte Babyloniens und As- 

syriens. Berlin, 1885-1888. 

WiGBA .... Winckler, Geschichte Babyloniens und As- 
syriens. Leipzig, 1892. 

MDelGB A .... Miirdter-Delitzsch Geschichte Babyloniens 
und Assyriens 2*^Aufl. Calw und Stutt- 
gart, 1891. 

RoHBA Rogers A History of Babylonia and As- 
syria. 2 vols. New York, 1900. 

HoHBD Hastings' Bible Dictionary Articles "As- 
syria " and '' Babylonia " by Homrael. 

KiEBi Encyclopaedia Biblica Articles " Assyria " 

and " Babylonia " by L. W. King. 

MuBA Murison Babylonia and Assyria : A 

Sketch of their History. (Bible Class 
Primers.) New York, 1901. 
Winckler Die politische Entwickelung 
Babyloniens und Assyriens. Leipzig, 
Radau Early Babylonian History down 
to the end of the fourth dynasty of Ur. 
New York, 1900. 

BiS ....... Billerbeck Susa. Leipzig, 1893. 




Rawl Rawlinson The Cuneiform Inscriptions of 

Western Asia. 5 vols. London, 1861-1884. 

SchKB Schrader (editor) Keilinschriftliche Bibli- 

othek. Sammlung von assyrischen und 
babylonischen Texten in Umschrift und 
Uebersetzung. Bd. I. Historische Texte 
des altassyrischen Reichs. Bd. II. His- 
torische Texte des neuassyrischen Reichs. 
Bd. III. 1-Halfte, Historische Texte 
altbabylonischer Herrscher; 2-Halfte, 
Historische Texte des neubabylonischen 
Reichs. Bd. IV. Texte juristischen und 
geschaftlichen Inhalts. Bd. V. Thonta- 
feln von Tel-el- Amarna. (English Trans- 
lation, New York, 1898). Bd. VI. 
Assyrisch - Babylonische Mythen und 
Epen. Leipzig, 1889-1901. 
Layard Inscriptions in the Cuneiform 

Character. London, 1851. 
Botta et Flandin, Monuments de Nineve, 
I., Ill, et IV. Paris, 1849. 

RP^'2 Records of the Past Being English Trans- 
lations of the Assyrian and Egyptian 
Monuments. I Series, 12 vols. London; 
II Series, 6 vols. London, 1888-1892. 

ABL Assyrian and Babylonian Literature Se- 
lected Translations, with a Critical Intro- 
duction by R. F. Harper (The World's 
Great Books). New York, 1901. 

HiOBI Hilprecht Old Babylonian Inscriptions, 

chiefly from Nippur. Philadelphia, 1893. 
Editions of inscriptions of particular rulers 
^re given in the "References," 




Rich Narrative of a Journey to the Site 
of Babylon in 1811. London, 1839. 
Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan 
and on the Site of Ancient Nineveh. 
London, 1836. 
Lof tus Travels and Researches in Chaldea 
and Susiana. London, 1857. 

LayNR Layard Nineveh and its Remains. 2 vols. 

New York, 1849. 

LayD Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh an 1 

Babylon. London, 1853. 
Chesney The Expedition for the Survey of 
the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris. 2 vols. 
London, 1850. 
Rassam Asshur and the Land of Nimrod. 

New York, 1897. 
Oppert Expedition scientifique en Meso- 
potamie. 2 vols. Paris, 1863-1867. 
PeN Peters Nippur; or. Explorations and Ad- 
ventures on the Euphrates. 2 vols. New 
York, 1897. 
Sachau Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien. 
Leipzig, 1883. 

Am Euphrat und Tigris, 1897-1898. 
Leipzig, 1900. 
SmAD G. Smith Assyrian Discoveries : an Ac- 
count of Explorations and Discoveries on 
the site of Nineveh, during 1873 and 
1874. New York, 1875. 

KaAuB Kaulen Assyrien und Babylonien nach 

den neuesten Entdeckungen. 5te. Ausg. 
Freiburg, 1899. 
SchKG . . ... Schrader Keilinschriften und Gescliichts- 
forschung. Giessen, 1878. 

pelP Delitzsch Wo Lag das Paradies ? Leipzig, 




HiRR Hilprecht (editor) Recent Research in Bible 

Lands. Philadelphia, 1896. 
EyNL Evetts New Light on the Bible and the 

Holy Land. London, 1892. 


The most important editions of texts are : 

King Babylonian Magic and Sorcery, 
being "The Prayers of the Lifting up 
of the Hand." London, 1896. 

Ziramern Babylonische Busspsalmen. Leip- 
zig, 1885. 

Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Babyloni- 
schen Religion. I. Die Beschwdrungsta- 
feln Shurpu. II. Ritualtafeln fur den 
Wahrsager, Beschworer und Sanger. 
Leipzig, 1896-1899. 

Tallquist Die Assyrische Beschworungs- 
serie Maqlu, 1894. 

Knudtzson Assyrische Gebete an den Son- 
nengott fUr Staat und Konigliches Haus. 
2 Bde. Leipzig, 1893. 

Thompson The Reports of the Magicians 
and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon. 
2 vols. London, 1900. 

The Treatises are: 

JaRB A Jastrow Religion of Babylonia and Assyria. 

Boston, 1898. 

KiBRM King Babylonian Religion and Mythology. 

London, 1899. 
Lenormant Chaldean Magic, its Origin 
' and Development. London, 1877. 

Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth 
of Religion as illustrated by the Religion 
of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert 
Lectures, 1887). London, 1887. 



Jeremias (in Saussaye, Lehrbuch d. Re- 
ligionsgeschichte, 2te Ausg. Bd. I. 163- 
221) "Die Babylonier und Assyrer." 
Freiburg, 1897. 

Tiele (in Geschichte der Religion im Alter- 
tum, Bd. L 127-216) "Die Religion 
in Babylonien und Assyrien." Gotha, 

Eerdmans (in *' Progress," 3d ser. 6, 403- 
415) " Babylonian- Assyrian Religion." 
Chicago, 1897. 

Jeremias Holle und Paradies bei den Baby- 
lon iern. Leipzig, 1900; English Trans- 
lation, London, 1902. 


SaBaA Sayce Babylonians and Assyrians, Life 

and Customs (The Semitic Series). New 

York, 1899. 

Babylonian Literature. London, n. d. 

PeiSBG Peiser *' Skizze der babylonischen Gesell- 

schaft," in Mitteilungen der Yorderasiat- 
ischen Gesellschaft, I. 3, Berlin, 1896. 

PCHACA .... Perrot and Chipiez History of Ancient Art 
in Chaldaea and Assyria. 2 vols. London. 

BMG A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian 

Antiquities of the British Museum. Lon- 
don, 1900. 
Bezold Kurzgefasster Ueberblick liber die 
Babylonisch-Assyrische Litteratur. Leip- 
zig, 1886. 
Ihering The Evolution of the Aryan (trans. 

from the German). New York, 1897. 
Babelon Maimal of Oriental Antiquities. 
J^Tew York, 1889. 



Maspero Life in ancient Egypt and 

Assyria. London, 1892. 
Speck Handelsgeschichte des Alterthums 

I. Leipzig, 1901. 



Price The Monuments and the Old Testa- 
ment. Chicago, 1900. 

Driver (in " Authority and Archaeology," 
edited by Hogarth) " Hebrew Author- 
ity." pp. 1-152. New York, 1899. 

Sayce The Higher Criticism and the Ver- 
dict of the Monuments. London, 1894. 

Hommel The Ancient Hebrew Tradition 
as illustrated by the Monuments. Lon- 
don, 1897. 

Schrader The Cuneiform Inscriptions and 
the Old Testament. 2 vols. 
KAT' Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testa- 
ment. 3te Aufl. 1-Halfte, bearb. von H. 
Winckler. Berlin, 1902. 

Cheyne (in " The Hexateuch" by Carpen- 
ter and Harford-Battersby, vol. I. pp. 
Wi Winckler (see above under Schrader). 

Ball Light from the East, or the Wit- 
ness of the Monuments. London, 1899. 

Vigouroux La Bible et les decouvertes 
modernes. 6th ed. 4 vols. Paris, 1896. 



WiUAG Winckler Untersuchungen zur Altoriental- 

ischeu Geschichte. Leipzig, 1889. 
Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen. Leip- 
zig, 1892. 



WiAOF Winckler Altorientalische . Forschungen. 

Erste Reihe, Heft 1-6; Zweite Reihe, 
Bd. I., Bd. II. Heft L Leipzig, 1893- . 

B A Delitzsch und Haupt Beitrage zur Assyri- 

ologie, Bd. I.-IV. Leipzig, 1890- . 

MVAG Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesell- 

schaft (yearly volumes in parts). Berlin, 
1896- . 

ZK Bezold (editor) Zeitschrift fiir Keilschrift- 

forschung. Leipzig, 1884-1885. 

ZA Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie. Leipzig, 1886- . 

EncyBrit Encyclopaedia Britannica. 

EBi Encyclopaedia Biblica, edited by Cheyne. 

DB A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by Hast- 

AJSL The American Journal of Semitic Languages 

and Literatures (continuing Hebraica). 


Lehmann Zwei Hauptprobleme der altori- 

entalischen Chronologie. Berlin, 1898. 
Niebuhr Die Chronologie der Geschichte 

Israels, Aegyptens, Babyloniens u. Assyr- 

iens. Leipzig, 1896. 
Rost Untersuchungen zur altoriental- 

ischen Geschichte, MVAG, II. 2, 1897. 
Winckler Zur babylonisch - assyrischen 

Chronologie. UAG. Leipzig, 1889. 




The classical descriptions of Mesopotamia are those of Herodo- 
tus, I. 193, Strabo, XVI. 1, and Pliny, N. H. XVIIL 17. The 
most complete modern discussion still remains that of Rawlinson 
in GM, I. 1-42 (" Chaldaea "), and 180-235 (" Assyria "), includ- 
ing land, climate, and productions. Compare EncyBrit, arts. 
'^Babylonia," " Mesopotamia; " MaDC, 547-560; MaSN, 597- 
602; RoHBA, I. 266-289; TiBAG, I. 50-58; HoGBA, 180-195; 
KaAuB, ch. ii.; KiEBi, I. cols. 350, 420; HoHBD, I. 176, 214- 
The books of travel referred to in the Bibliography IV. may 
also be profitably consulted. Excellent maps in HBD, I. 176; 
EBi (art. "Assyria"). 



The most exhaustive account of the exploration of the lands 
of the Tigris and Euphrates, the excavation of the ruin-sites 
and the decipherment of the monuments, is that in RoHBA, 
I. 1-253. Less complete but accurate and more or less read- 
able accounts are found in ABL, iii-xxxii (R. F. Harper); a 
series of articles by the same scholar in the Old and New Testa- 
ment Student, XIV. 1 and 2, and the Biblical World, I. 4 and 
5; VIIL 1; HoGBA, 58-146; KaAuB, chs. iii., v., vi.; De- 
litzsch, " Assyrian Grammar," 1-8. Compare also Lyon, " A 
Half Century of Assyriology," in Bib. World, VIH. 2. 


The narratives of the explorers and excavators contain 
material of the first importance and the deepest interest. The 
student would do well to dip into LayXR and read vol. I. ch. iii. 
or vol. II. ch. xiii. ; and PeN, vol. I. ch. xi. or vol. II. ch. iii., to 
catch a glimpse of the actual experiences of the workers. 



See references for ch. ii. (decipherment of inscriptions) and 
EvNL, ch. iv. ; Mahaffy, '' Prolegomena to Ancient History," 
167-212 ; On the " Sumerian " problem the leading discus- 
sions on opposite sides are Weissbach, "Die Sumerische Frage" 
(for "Sumerian"), and Ilalevy, "Le Sumerisme et I'histoire 
babylonienne " (against "Sumerian"). Compare also McHPM, 
I. sects. 79-85 ; and his article in Pres. and Ref. Review, II. 6 ; 
HBD, art. " Accad " and lit. there cited. HoGBA, 237-258, 
sketches the Old " Sumerian " civilization with unwarranted 

Besides the works on the literature cited in the Bibliography, 
the religious literature is treated most fully in JaRBA (see 
table of cont.); Jastrow has also written on " The Text Book 
Literature of the Babylonians " in the Bib. World, IX. 4. 
Compare ABL, xxxiv-lxii, for an excellent summary of the 
whole subject, as also KaAuB, ch. vii. Translations of these 
texts are referred to in the Bibliography. See also " Refer- 
ences " to Part I. chs. iii. and iv. 



See Bibliography under IX. " Chronology " for special 
treatises. Good general discussions are found in RoHBA, I. 
312-348; Paton, *' Oriental Chronology " in Bib. World, July, 
1901. A thoroughgoing article with valuable texts but not al- 
together up to date is that by Winckler, " Zur babylouisch-assy- 
rischeu Chronologic," in UAG, 1-46 ; see also Wi, " Zur 
babylonisch-assyrischen Geschichte " in AOF, X. 5, On Herodo- 


tus as a trustworthy oriental historian some controversy has 
arisen ; see Sayce in the preface to his " Ancient Empires of the 
East," and Tolraan and Stevenson " Herodotus and the Empires 
of the East" which is based on Nikel, " Herodot und die 
Keilschriftforschung." WaESG has excellent material on 
Berosus, Ctesias, and Ptolemy (see index). TiBAG, 12-49, goes 
thoroughly into the sources. The Kings' List is translated in 
SchKB, li. 2861, RP^, I. 13 f. (compare the Introduction) ; the 
Assyrian Limu List (Eponym Canon) in SchKB, L 204 ff., III. 
ii. 143 ff., RP2, II. 110 ff. 



See the histories: MaDC, 560-564; HoGBA, 195-263 (the 
cities), 269-280 (the surrounding peoples); TiBAG, 81-90 
(the cities) ; McHPM, I. 77-95. The fragments of Berosus are 
found in Cory, " Ancient Fragments," London 1876. A read- 
able article is Sayce, " The Antiquity of Civilized Man," in Am. 
Jour, of Theology, V. 4 ; DelP gathers material on the early 
sites and districts ; Lenormant, " The Beginnings of History," 
New York 1893, discusses the problems of early traditions. 
Map for period of beginnings down to 1100 b. c. in HeWG, 
III. 10. 



MaDC, 595-620; TiBAG, 100-124; HoGBA, 281-374; 
McHPM, L 96-132; VViGBA, 18-49; MDelGBA, 72-84; 
RoHBA, 349-385. The texts are gathered in SchKB, III. i. 
Those found at Nippur are in Hilprecht, " Old Babylonian 
Inscriptions," vol. I. pts. 1 and 2, with valuable introductions. 
The chief Guiea texts have been pubHshed by Price, " The 


Great Cylinder Inscriptions (A and B) of Gudea," I., and 
English translations of these and other inscriptions of early 
rulers are made by Araiaud in RP^, I, and II., " The Inscrip- 
tions of Telloh." The original publication of the Tello mate- 
rial was made by De Sarzec-Ileuzey, " Decouvertes en Chaldee." 
Compare EvNL, ch. v. ; HiRR, " Explorations in Babylonia," 
43 ff. Radau, "Early Babylonian History," New York 1900, 
collects and discusses thoroughly, though in a confused and 
difficult fashion, all this early material, and is indispensable 
for detailed study. On Gen. xiv. there are discussions in the 
works mentioned under VII. " Babylonio- Assyrian Monuments 
and the Bible " in the Bibliography. Compare King, " Letters 
and Inscriptions of Hammurabi," I. xlix f. and EBi, art. 
" Chedorlaomer." The chronological problems of this chapter, 
revolving about the date of Sargon, have been recently attacked 
by Lehmann, " Zwei Hauptprobleme d. altorient. Chronologic," 
1898. See Wi, "Die altmesopotamischen Reiche," in UAG, 
65-90, and " Die politische Entwickelung Altmesopotamiens," 
in AOF, I. i. 


Besides the works mentioned in Bibliography VI. " Manners 
and Customs" and V. "Religion," compare chapters on the 
Babylonio- Assyrian civilization in DuIIA, I. ii. chs. ii. andiii. ; 
MaDC, 535-546, 623-700, 703-784; TiBAG, II. 485 ff. (sum- 
marizes the whole subject under " Die babylonisch-assyrische 
Kultur"); HoGB A, 375-406; McHPM, I. 27-76; WiGBA, 50- 
56; RawlGM, I. 61 ff. ; LenHA, V. livre vi. (summarizes the 
whole as Tiele) ; MeyGA, I. 172-193; IleWG, 31-42, Simcox, 
"Primitive Civilizations," I. bk. ii. Texts of business docu- 
ments with translations in SchKB, IV. and Meissner, " Beitrage 
zum Altbabylonischen Privatrecht," Leipzig 1893. On ancient 
Babylonian science compare the standard work of Jensen, 
"Die Kosmologie der Babylonier," Strassburg 1890; HBD, art. 
" Cosmogony " and EncyBrit. under same head. 

On art, besides the great work of Perrot and Chipiee (see 


Bibl. VI.), compare Reber, '* Ueber altchaldaische Kunst," 
ZA, I. and II. 

On the literature strictly so called, see Sayce, " Babylonian 
Literature," London, n. d. ; 7rf., " The Literary Works of An- 
cient Babylonia " in ZK, I. ; brief summaries of the Epics, etc., 
in HoHBD, I. 220-222; Geo. Smith, " The Chaldean Account 
of Genesis," N. Y. n. d. (full accounts of the legends, etc.); 
KiBRM, chs. iii.-v. An excellent discussion of the forms of 
the clay tablets, etc. in KiEBi, I. cols. 428 f. 


MaSN, 19-50; TiBAG, 124-127; HoGBA, 407-417; 
McHPM, I. 132-142; WiGBA, 57-68; MDelGBA, 84-89; 
RoHBA, L 386-397. The standard edition of the texts is King, 
" The Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi," 3 vols., Lon- 
don 1898-1900 (translations in vol. III.)) introductions espe- 
cially valuable. On the changes in civilization and religion, 
see WiGBA, 69-76, and JaRBA, ch. viii. An important article 
on chronology is Lindl, " Die Datenlist der ersten Dynastie von 
Babylon," BA, IV. 3. 



MaSN, 111-120, 588-612; TiBAG, 127-149; HoGBA, 418- 
513; McHPM, I. 142-151, 206-218; WiGBA, 77-100, 169- 
171; MDelGBA, 89-94, 142-150; RoHBA, I. 398-429, II. 1-20. 
Delitzsch has written especially on the Kassites in his " Die 
Sprache der Kossaer," Leipzig 1884; see also Wi., "Die 
babylonische Kassitendynastie " in AOF, I. 2. The texts are 
in SchKB, IIL i., ABL, 3 ff. (Agumkakrime), 217 ff. (Tel-el- 


Amarna), Winckler, " The Tel-el-Amarna Letters,** London 
1896 (English trans, of entire collection). HiOBI, L i. has a 
valuable discussion of the Kassite kings. The " Synchronistic 
History" is translated in ABL, 196 f., RP^, IV. 24 ff. The 
early texts of the *' Babylonian Chronicle" are in RP*, V. 
106 ff. For the other chronological documents, see " Refer- 
ences " to Jut. ch. IV. 

The literature on the Tel-el-Amarna letters is large. Com- 
pare EvNL, chs. vi.-viii. ; Tiele, " Western Asia according to 
the Most Recent Discoveries," London ; Ball, " Light from the 
East," 86 ff. ; Sayce in RP2, 11. -III., V. with translations. For 
the early patesis of Assyria, see Johns, " A new Patesi of Ashur,'* 
in AJSL, XVIII. 3. 



On the Kassite civilization and early Assyrian conditions, see 
WiGBA, 101-110,140-151, 163-168; MaSN, 617-642 ; MeyGA, 
L 334-336; KiEBi, cols. 351 f., 363 f., 446 f.; HoHBD, 180 f., 
227. For the special interest of the Kassite kings in Nippur, 
see HiOBI, I. i. 30 f., and PeN, index s. v. " Kosseau." 



MaSN, 642-670; TiBAG, 147-166; HoGBA, 514-537; 
McHPM, L 219-223; WiGBA, 171-176; KrGAG, 104-107; 
MDelGBA, 150-156 ; RoHBA, IL 21-34. Texts and trans, are 
found in SchKB, IL 14-49 and in Lolz, " Die Inschr. Tiglath 
Pileser I.," Leipzig 1880. Trans, in RP^, I. 86 ff. ; ABL, 11 ff. 
On the dynasty of Pashe, see HiOBI, I. i. 38 ff. The Neb. deed 
of gift is trans, in ABL, 8 ff. The relations of Assyr. and Bab. 
are given in the Syn. Hist., col. ii. See EncyBrit. arts. 
** Armenia " and " Kurdistan" for geography. See also Meiss- 
ner, " Der elamitisclie FeldzugTiglathpileser I." in ZA, X. 101 f. 
Map for period 1100-745 b. c. in IleWG, III. 55. 




WiGBA, 176-181; RoHBA, II. 35-45; McHPM, I. 243-245; 
PaEHSP, 181-198; KAT*, I. 38 f. 



MaPE, 3-51; TiB AG, 166-186 ; HoGB A, 538-588 ; WiGBA, 
181-190; McHPM, I. 261-266; KrGAG, 125-131; RoHBA, 
II. 46-71 ; KAT3, I. 39-41. Texts, etc. : SchKB, I. i. 50-129 ; 
ABL, 28-30 ; RP2, II. 128-177, IV. 80. On the campaigns in 
the north, see the important papers of Streck, " Das Gebiet der 
heutigen Landschaften Armenien, Kurdistan und Westpersien 
nach den babylonisch-assyrischen Keilinschriften " beginning 
in ZA, XIII. 57. On the Syrian campaign, see PaEHSP, 
199-202. For the Nabupaliddin inscription, see ABL, 30-33, 
and BMG, 128. On Assyrian officials, see WiGBA, 209 f., and 
Delitzsch, "Assyrische Studien," 129-135. On the palace at 
Kalkhi, see LayNR, I. ch. iii. 



MaPE, 52-114; TiBAG, 186-216; HoGB A, 589-647; WiGBA, 
191-220; McHPM, I. 267-306; KrGAG, 131-141; RoHBA 
II. 47-103 ; K AT8, I. 41-49 ; arts. " Shalmaiieser " in EBi and 
DB. Texts, etc. : Amiaud and Scheil: " Les Inscriptions de 
Salmanasar IL," Paris 1890; KB, I. i. 128-193; RP^^ IV. 38-79, 
86-89 ; Hebraica, II. 140-146, III. 201-231 ; ABL, 33-52. On 
the Black Obelisk, see LayNR, I. 282 f . ; on Imgur-bel gates, see 


PSBA, VII. 89-111. For the Babylonian Chronicle, see ABL, 
200 ; RP2, I. 22 ff. On the civilization of the time, see MeyG A,T. 
420-424. On the western campaigns, see PaEHSP, 205-224. 
On the kingdom of Urartu, see the inscriptions trans, by Sayce, 
JRAS, new ser., XIV.*388 ff., RP2 I. 163 f., IV. 114 f., and the 
epoch-making discoveries and investigations of Belck and Leh- 
mann, Zeitschr. f. Ethnol., 1892, 131 f. ; Verhand. d. Ber. an- 
throp. Gesellsch., 1892-1896; ZA, IX. 83 ff., XI. 197 ff., and 
Streck, articles cited, ZA, XIV. 103 ff. (an excellent collection 
of materials). 



MaPE, 117-218; TiBAG, 217-238; HoGBA, 648-678 
WiGBA, 221-235; McHPM, I. 323-338, 347-358, 372-395; 
KrGAG, 141-146 ; RoHBA, II. 104-147; KAT', I. 49-63 ; arts. 
Tp. III. and Shal. IV. in EBi and DB. Texts, etc.; Rost, 
" Keilschrifttexte Tiglath Pileser III." Leipzig 1893 ; ABL, 52- 
58; RP2, V. 115 ff. ; KB, I. ii. 2-33; SmAD, ch. xiv. For the 
north- Syrian campaigns, see the inscriptions from Samal in 
MaOS, XL, Berlin 1893, and PaEHSP, 229-244; Jeremias, 
'* Tyrus," Leipzig 1891, 27 ff. ; Wi, " Das Syrische Land Jaudi," 
usw. in AOF, I. i. > Wi, Assyrian u. Tyrus seit Tp. III., 
AOF, II. i. 65-70. 


MaPE, 221-273; TiBAG, 238-282; HoGBA, 678-741 (here 
the house of Sargon is treated as a whole); WiGBA. 236-249; 
McHPM, I. 395-401, IL 237-247, 266-271 ; KrGAG, 146-152; 
RoHBA, II. 148-182; MeyGA, I. 460-463; KAT, I. 63-75; 
arts. " Sargon " in EBi and DB. Texts, etc. : Winckler, " Die 
Keilschrifttexte Sargon's," Leipzig 1889 ; Lyon, " Keilschrift- 
texte Sargon's," Leipzig 1883 ; KB, 1. ii. 34-81 ; ABL, 59-64; 
SmAD, ch. XV. For the Mardukbaliddin inscr., see ABL, 64- 
68. On the civilization of the Sargonid age, see WiGBA, 293- 


302, and a brilliant sketch in Maspero, " Life in anc. Egypt and 
Assyria," London 1892. On the Sargon palace, see the great 
illustrated works of Botta and Place; KaAuB, ch. iv., and 
PCHACA. On the western expeditions, see PaEHSP, 244-251 ; 
Jeremias, '*Tyrus,"30; Wi, " Die Sargoniden und Egypten," 
usw., in UAG, 91-108; " Samal unter Sargon," AOF, XL i. 
71-73. On the Elamite wars, see BiS, 77-82. On Mu9ri, see 
Wi, "Musri, Melukha, Main," in MVAG, III. i. and iv. ; and 
in AOF, .1 i.; AT.Untersuchungen, 168-174; also KAT, L 



MaPE, 273-346; TiBAG, 285-325; WiGBA, 249-259; 
McHPM, II. 272-302, 322-332; KrGAG, 152-157; RoHBA, II. 
183-215; KAT3, L 75-86; arts. " Senn." in EBi and DB. 
Texts, etc.: Smith (G), "History of Sennacherib," London 
1878; SchKB, L ii. 80-119; Pognon, " L'inscr. de Bavian," 
Paris 1879; RP2, VL 80-101; ABL, 68-80; SmAD, ch. xvi. 
Meissner u. Rost, " Bauinschriften Sanheribs." 

On the western campaigns, see PaEHSP, 251-262; Jeremias, 
"Tyrus," 31 ff. On the Elamite campaigns, see BiS, 82-92; 
and for the Battle of Khalule, Haupt, in Andover Review, May, 
1886. On topography of Nineveh, see SmAD, ch. vi., and 
Billerbeck u. Jeremias, " Der Untergang Nineveh's," in BA, 
III. 87-188. 



MaPE, 346-381 ; TiBAG, 325-351 ; WiGBA, 259-272 ; 
McHPM, II. 333-350; KrGAG, 157-159; RoHBA, II. 216- 
245; KAT8, I. 86-92 ; arts. " Esarh." in EBi and DB. Texts, 
etc. : Budge, " History of Esarhaddon," London 1880; Harper, 
"Esarhaddon Inscr." (cyl. A and B), New Haven 1888; 
SchKB, I. ii. 120-153; ABL, 80-94; Meissner u. Rost, " Bau- 
inschr. Asarh.," in BA, III. 189-362; the Samal inscription in 
MaOS, Ausgr. in Sendschr. i. 86-41 ; SmAD, ch. xvii. 



For the western campaigns, see PaEHSP, 262-265; Jer., 
'' Tyrus," 35 f. ; AOF, II. i. 11 ff. For the northern campaigns 
and the oracles thereupon, see Knudtzson, Gebete (Bibliog. 




MaPE, 381-442, 459-464; TiBAG, 351-400; WiGBA, 272- 
302; McHPM, II. 351-390; KrGAG, 159-164; RoHBA, II. 
246-282; MeyGA, I. 480-482, 483-496; KAT^, 1. 92-98; arts. 
" Ashurb." in EBi and DB. Texts, etc. : Smith (G.), " History 
of Ashurbauipal," London 1871; Smith (S. A.), " Keilschrift- 
texte Asurbanipals," Leipzig 1887-1889; SchKB, I. ii. 152- 
269; ABL, 94-130; SmAD, ch. xviii. 

For the Babylonian campaigns, see Lehmann, " Shamashshu- 
mukin," Leipzig 1892; BiS, 96-120; ABL, 130 f. On the 
Western campaigns, see PaEHSP, 265-270; Jer., " Tyrus," 
37 ff.; Haupt, "Wateh-ben-Hazael," in Hebraica, I. 4. On the 
art and literature of the time, see PCHACA, DuHA^ III. iv. 
ch. ix., and for the library, Rassam, " Asshur," etc., 31; Menant, 
*' La Bibliothek du Palais de Nineve." 



MaPE, 445-458; TiBAG, 400-415; HoGBA, II. 742-746; 
McHPM, IL 391-414; WiGBA, 290-292; KrGAG, 165-169; 
RoHBA, IL 283-295; KAT, I. 104 f. ; Billerbeck and Jere- 
mias, "Der Untergang Nineveh's," usw. in BA, III. 87-188; 
Johnston, "The Fall of the Assyrian Empire" in Studies in 
honor of B. L. Gildersleeve, Bait. 1902. Texts, etc. : SchKB, 
I. ii. 268-273; for the Nabuna'id inscriptions, see ABL, 158- 
168; Messerschmidt, "Die Stele Nabuna'id's " in MVAG, 
I. i. ; for the Greek fragments, see Cory, " Ancient Fragments," 
etc., London 1876, 83-90. See Wi, " Zur Medischen u. 
altpersischen Gesch." in UAG, 109-132, and " Kimmerier, 
Ashguzaer, Skythen," in AOF, I. vi. ; KAT^ L 100-103. 





MaPE, 486-518; TiBAG, 416-424; WiGBA, 303-310; Ro- 
HBA, II. 297-315. Texts, etc. : SchKB, III. ii. 2-9 ; ABL, 131- 
134. On the Kaldi, see Wi, " Die Stellung der Chaldaer in der 
Gesch.," in UAG, 47-64. 



MaPE, 518-567 ; TiBAG, 424-441, 454-458 ; HoGBA, 749- 
777; WiGBA, 311-314; McHPM, III. 143-171,220-244, 268- 
305; KrGAG, 170-182; RoHBA, II. 316-358; MeyGA, I. 
587-592; KAT^, I. 106-110; arts. " Nebuchadrezzar " in EBi 
and DB ; Harper, " Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon," in 
Bib. World, XIV. 1. Texts, etc. : SchKB, III. ii. 10-79, 140 f.; 
ABL, 1.34-157; RPS III. 102-123. 

For the western campaigns, see PaEHSP, 271-278 ; Jer, 
*' Tyrus," 40-48. For the religion of Neb. see JaRB A, chs. xiv., 
xvii. 295-299. For the fortifications of Bab., see Billerbeck, 
''Nebuchadnezzar's Befestigung," usw. MVAG, IIL ii. For 
Wi's theory of Bab. politics, see " Zur inneren Politik," usw. 
AOF, II. ii. 1, and KAT*, I. 108-112. 



TiBAG, 441-454; McHPM, IIL 1.52 159, 321-393; WiGBA, 
320-325; RawlGM, II, 497-580, III. 1-33. See also SaBaA 
(passim); FeiSBG, in MVAG, I. iii. (passim); Marx, "Die 
Stellung der Frauen," usw. BA, IV. 1-77; EvNL, chs. x., xi., 
xvi. For the religion, see JaRBA, ch. xiv. 


Texts of business documents in SchKB, IV. 176 ff. ; Kohler 
u. Peiser, " Aus dem Babylouischen Rechtsleben," Leipzig 
1891 ; RP2, III. 1241, IV. 96 if., V. 141 f. On Babylon, see a 
popular sketch of recent discoveries by Jastrow, " The Palace 
and Temple of Nebuchadnezzar," Harper's Mag. Apr. 1902, 
and the official reports in Mitteilungen d. Deu. Orient-Gesell- 
schaft, 6ff.; also McGee, " Zur Topographie Babylons," usw. 
in BA, m. 520-560. 



MaPE, 567 f.; TiBAG, 459-484; HoGB A, 777-790; WiGBA, 
315-319 ; McHPM, III. 393-414 ; KrGAG, 182-184 ; RoHBA, 
II. 359-381 ; KAT^, I. 110-115. Texts, etc. : SchKB, HI., 
ii. 80-139; ABL, 157-174; RP2, V. 144-176. See Hagen 
*' Keilschrifturkunden zur Gesch. d. k. Cyrus," in BA, II. 1, 
and the Bibliography under VII. " Bab. Assvr. Mon. and the 


Remarks. (1) The letter following the name indicates its 
character, e.g. : c = city; d, district ; g, god or goddess ; k, king; 
m, mountain; n, noble; o, officer; p, people; q, queen; r, river. 

(2) The pronunciation of Babylonio-Assyrian vowels and 
consonants is as follows : a like a in father ; e like e in they ; i 
like e in thee ; u like oo in too ; 9 =: ts ; kh like an aspirate k ; 
q like k; g is hard as in get; j like y. Other consonants have 
the corresponding English sounds. The primary accent is indi- 
cated by ', the secondary by '. 

Ab'-di-mil-ku'-ti, k, 294 

A'-be-shu, k, 113 

A'-bi-ba'-al, k, 294 

A'-bil Sin, k, 108 

A'-bi-ru'-mash, k, 125 

A'-bu HalZ-ba, see " Sippar ' 

A'-bu Shah-rein', see " Eridu " 

Ad'-ad-ap'-lu-id'-din, k, 172 

Ad'-ad-na'-din-akh'-i, k, 141 

Ad'-ad-ni-ra'-ri I., k, 137 f. ; 
memorials of, 153 

Ad'-ad-ni-ra'-ri II., 185 f. 

Ad'-ad-ni-ra'-ri III., palace un- 
earthed by Layard, 19 ; acces- 
sion, 204 ; religion of his court, 
210; relations with Babylon, 
211 f.; western campaigns, 
216 f. ; eastern expeditions, 
220; extent of his empire, 221 

Ad'-ad-shum-u'-9ur, k, 141 

A'-da-pa, hero, 31 

Adoption, 80 

Agriculture in Babylonia, 72 

A'-gum-kak'-ri-me, k. inscription 

of, 122, 124 f. ; empire of, 
126, 129 ; rebuilding of shrine 
at Babylon, 149 

A'-ga-de, c, 53 

A-gu'-si, d, 228 f., see " Bit 
Agusi " 

A'-hab, k, 214 

A'-haz, k, 232, 235, 268 

A'-hi-mil'-ki, k, 294 

Ah'-la-mi, p, 159 

A'-i-bur-shab'-u, sacred street, 

Ak-er-kuf, ruin-mound, 15 

A-khar'-ri, d, 193, see "West- 
land " 

A'-khim-i'-ti, k, 250 

Akh-sher'-i, k, 313 

A-khun'-i, k, 193, 213 

Ak'-kad, d, 53, 324 

Ak'-ko (Acre), c, 312 

A'-la-si'-a, d, 133 

A-lep'-po, c, 22 

AlMat, g, 105 

Al'-man, d, 125 f. 



Al-ta'-qu, c, 270 
A'-lu-shar'-shid, k, 60 
Al'-zi, p, 155 
A-raan'-us, m, 194, 367 
A'-mas-is, k, 342, 373 
A'-mel-mar'-duk, k, 349 f. 
A'-men-hot'-ep III., k, 135, 147 
A'-men-hot'-ep IV., 134, 147 
American Expedition to Nippur, 

A'- mid, c, 164, 187, 206 
Am'-mi-dit-a'-na, k, 113 
Am'-min-ad'-bi, k, 303 
Am'-mi-za-du'-ga, k, 113 
Am'-ran, 360 
Am'-ra-phel, k, 69 
An-da'-ri-a, k, 313 
An-ma'-nu, k, 121 
An'-shan, d, 368 
Antichrist, Babylon as, 366 
An'-ti-men'-i-das, n, 356 
A'-nu, g, 100, 243 
An-u'-nit, g, 100 
A'-qa-ba, gulf of, 235 
Arabia, 4, 231, 265, see " Aribi " 
A-rakli'-tu, canal, 274, 277 
A-ralMu, 31, 104 
A-ra-raa'-da, c, 194 
A'-ra-me, k, 218 
Arameans, migration of, 180; 

in west Mesopotamia, 191 f.; 

in north Babylonia, 227 
A-ra'-mi, p, 140 
A'-ram na'-ha-ra'-yim, 4 
A'-ra-rat, m, 218 
A-rax'-es, r, 208, 220 
Ar'-bakh-a, e, 207 
Ar-bel'-a, c. 128, 373 
Arch, earliest known, 99 
Architecture, early Babylonian, 

98 ; in Kassite period, 145 ; 

early Assyrian, 153, 171; I 

under Ashurna9irpal III., 
199; Shalmaneser 11., 208; 
Tiglathpileser III , 225 ; Sar- 
gon, 259 f. ; Sennacherib, 
278 f. ; Esarhaddon, 286 ; 
Ashurbanipal, 314 f.; Neb- 
uchadrezzar II., 343, 360-364 

Ar-di-belMt, n, 277 

Ar'-dys, k, 313 

Ar-gis'-tis I., k, 220 

Ar-gis'-tis IT., 252 

A'-ri-bi, p, 249, 295, 311 

A-rib'-u-a, c, 195 

A'-ri-och, k, 69 

Aristocracy, in early Babylonia, 
76; in Assyria, 152; in new 
Babylonia, 354 f. 

Ar-me'-ni-a, 3, 161-163 

Armenian Taurus, m, 162 

Army, its composition in Assyria, 
223; under Ashurna9irpal 
III , 194 f. ; under Ashurbani- 
pal, 317 

Ar'-pad, c, 216, 228 f., 248 

Ar'-pakh-a, c, 20 6 

Art, in Old Babylonia, 94 ff. ; 
estimate of it, 97 ; in Kassite 
period, 149, 153 ; under Tig- 
lathpileser I., 171f. ; Ashur- 
na9irpal III., 199 f.; Shal- 
maneser II., 208 ; Sargon, 
260; Sennacherib, 279 f. ; 
Esarhaddon, 286 f, ; Ashur- 
banipal, 315 f. ; in New Baby- 
lonia, 358 

Ar'-vad, c, 169 

Ar-zash'-ku, k, 219 

Asa. k, 214 

Ash'-da-ko9, k, 324 

Ash'-dod, c, 250, 271 

Ash'-du-dim' ma, c, 250 

Ash'-gu-za, p, 293 



Ash'-ke-naz, 293 

Ash-nu'-nak, d, 125 

A'-shur, god of Assyria, 128, 

A'-shur-akh-id'-din, k, 277 
A' shur-ban'-i-pal, k, memorials, 
19, 21 f. ; accession, 298, 302; 
Egyptian wars, 303 f. ; rela- 
tions with Gyges, 305 ; wars 
with Elam, 306, 310 f. ; rebel- 
lion of Shamashshumukin, 
307-310; Arabian and west- 
ern wars, 311-313; campaigns 
in north and northwest, 313; 
building operations, 314 f . ; 
library, 22, 315 f.; person- 
ahty, 316 f.; administration 
of empire, 317 f.; splendor 
of his court, 318 f. ; darker 
side, 319 
A'-shur-bel-kaMa, k, 172 
A'-shur-bel-ni-she'-shu, k, 135 
A'-shur-dan' I., k, 142, 155 
A'-shur-dan'II., 185 
A'-shur-dan' III , 204, 217 
A'-shur-dan-in'-pal, n, 206 
A'-shur-e'-til-iMi, k,321 f. 
A'-shur-e'-til-u'-kin-ap'-la, k, 277 
A'-shur-kir'-bi, k, 178 
A'-shur-mun'-ik, n, 277 
A'-shur-na'-^ir-pal, c, 195 
A'-shur-na'-(;ir-pal I., k, 141' 
A'-shur-na'-(;ir-pal II., 173 
A'-shur-na'-9ir-pal III., memo- 
rials excavated, 19, 22; ob- 
elisks of, 19, 141, 169, 178; 
statue of, 202 ; stele of, 188 ; 
accession, 187; northern cam- 
paigns, 187-189 ; eastern wars, 
189-191; campaigns in west- 
ern Mesopotamia, 191-193; 
Syrian expedition, 193 ; organ- 

ization of conquests, 194 ff. ; 
cruelty of, discussed, 196 f. ; 
building operations, 199; esti- 
mate of, 201 f. 

A'-shur-na-din-akh'-i I., k, 136 

A'-shur-na-din-akh'-i II., 178 

A'-shur-na-din'-shum, k, 273 f. 

A'-shur-ni-ra'-ri II., k, 204, 207, 

A'-shur-rish-i'-shi, k, 159 

A'-shur-u-bal'-lit, k, 136, 153 

A'-shur-u-tir-a9'-bat, c, 169 

As'-kal-on, c, 235, 270, 294 

As'-sur, old capital of Assyria, 
19, 128, 243 

Assyria, people and land, 127- 
129 ; origin of kingdom, 128 f.; 
first mention of, 1 28 ; religion 
of, 152 ; its attitude toward 
Babylonia, 150 f. ; military 
bent, 151 ; early organization, 
152; traditional policy, 160; 
strength and weakness of, 
326-329 ; contribution to his- 
torical progress, 329 f. 

Astronomy, 93 f . 

As-ty'-a-ges, k, 368, 371 

At-liMa, c, 195 

Authors, Babylonian, 89 

A'-za, k, 251 

Azariah, k, 230 

A'-zaz, c, 216 

A-ze'-kah, c, 341 

A'-zi-ba'-al, k, 305 

Az'-ri-ya'-u, k, 230 

A-zu'-ri, k, 250 

Ba'-al, king of Tyre, 294, 296 f., 

303, 305 
Ba'-a-sha, k, 214 
Bab'-el, 360 
Bab'-i-te, pass of, 189 



Babylon, explorations and exca- 
vations on site of, 15, 20, 24 ; 
late appearance in history of 
Old Babylonia, 53, 107; first 
dynasty of, 66 ', the capital of 
Khammurabi's empire, 115; 
second dynasty, 121; third 
dynasty, 121 ; later dynasties, 
156, 178; destroyed by Sen- 
nacherib, 276 f.; rebuilt by 
Esarhaddon, 287; in rebellion 
of Shamashshumukin, 307- 
310; under the Kaldi, 360- 
364 ; the pride of Nebucha- 
drezzar II., 342-345 ; its con- 
tributions to civilization, 
364 .; its fall, 374-376 

Babylonia, geology and geog- 
raphy, 3, 5; climate and 
productions, 8-11; dominant 
forces of its life in the early 
period, 105; central situation 
of, 49 f . ; under Kassites, 148 ; 
traditional policy of, 160; re- 
lation to Egypt in Kassite 
period, 133 ; its problem for 
Assyria, 266 ; under the Kaldi, 
338, 342 f., 351 f. 

Babylonian Chronicle, 212 

Bactria, d, 148 

Bagdad, c, 15, 112 

Bag-dat'-ti, k, 252 

Bah'-li, c, 216 

Bal'-a-wat, c, 22 

BaMikh, r, 4, 6, 191 

Ba'-ra'-se, d, 60 

Bar-^ur', k, 230 

Bar-rek'-ub, k, 233 f. 

Bar-ta'-tu-a, k, 292 

Bav-i-an', d, 279 

Ba'-zi, d, 178 

Ba'-zu, d, 295 

Be-hist-un', inscription, 18, 25 
Bel, god of Nippur, 53, 100, 115, 

145; "taking the hands of," 

158; see " Marduk " 
Bel'-akh-i-er'-ba, o, 256 
Bel-ib'-ni, k, 268, 272 f. 
Ber-ku-dur-u'-9ur, k, 142 
Bel'-na-din-ap'-lu, k, 156, 159 
Bel'-ni-ra'-ri, k, 137 
Bel pi-kha'-ti, 238 
Bel'-shar-u'-^ur, k, 372 
Belshazzar, k, 354, 372, 374-376 
Bel'-shum-id'-din, k, 142 
Benhadad II., k, 214 f. 
Benhadad III. (Mari), 216 
Benjamin of Tudela, 15 
Berosus, 38, 323, 349 
Beth na-ha-rin', 4 
Birs Nimrud, c, 20, 22 
Bit A-di'-ni, d, 191, 198, 213 
Bit A-gu'-si, d, 214 
Bit A-mu-ka'-ni, d, 236 
Bit Da'-i-uk'-ki, d, 261 
Bit Da-kur'-ri, d, 257 f., 288 
Bit Ja'-kin, d, 236 
Bitlis, r, 188 
Bitumen, 11 
Boc-chor'-is, k, 247, 249 
Bok-en-renf, k, 247 
Bor'-sip-pa, c, 53, 364 
Botta, 18 
Brick-making, 73 
Brotherhood of nations, 147 
Bu'-du-il, k, 294 
Bur'-na-bur'-y-ash I,, k, 135 f. 
Bur'-na-bur'-y-ash II., 136, 145 
Bur Sin II., k, 65 
Bu'-sa-los-sor'-us, o, 324 
By bios, c, 194 

Ca'-lah, see^Kalkhi" 
Cal'-neh, c, 53 



Canals, 72 

Canons of the Tigris and Eu- 
phrates, 7 f . 

Caspian sea, 221, 252 

Cavalry in Assyrian army, 194 

Caucasus, m, 162 

Ched'-or-la'-o-mer, k, 69 

China, 148 

Chronicle of first Babylonian 
dynasty, 108 

Chronology, materials for, 39-43 

gid'-qa, k, 270 

gil Bel, k, 271, 294 

Cilicia (see "Qui"), 182, 216, 
294, 305, 313 

Ci-mir'-ra, d, 248 

Cities of Old Babylonia, 51-53 ; 
of Assyria, 152 

Classes of society in Old Baby- 
lonia, 75 

Clay, 28 

Clothing in Old Babylonia, 78 

Coat of arms, 84 

Coinage, 71, 355 

Colonies of Assyria, 196 

Column in Old Babylonia, 99 

Commerce in Old Babylonia, 74 ; 
in New Babylonia, 353 f. 

Contracts, 84 

Correspondence, 33 

Cosmogony of Old Babylonians, 

Creation Epic, 31, 116 

Croesus, k, 373 

Ctesias, 38 

Ctesiphon, c, 17 

" Cuneiform Inscriptions of 
Western Asia," 21 

Cy-ax'-ar-es, k, 323, 333 

Cyprus, 250, 255, 294 f. 

Cyrus, 368 f., 371-376 ; cylinder 
of, 375 

Da'-gan, g, 243 

Da'-in A'-shur, o, 206 

Da'-i-uk'-ki, d, 252 

Damascus, foundation of king- 
dom, 83 ; relations with 
Assyria, 213, 215, 229, 232- 
234, 248 

Dam-dam-u'-sa, c, 195 

Dam-ku, g, 244 

David, 183 

Decimal System, 93 

Decipherment of Babylonio- 
Assyrian language, 25 ff. 

De'-i-o-ces, k, 323 

Delitzsch, 26 

Deluge, Babylonian story of, 

. 21 f., 31, 90 

Dem-a-vend', m, 228 

Deportation, Assyrian policy of, 
170, 239 f. 

Der, c, 157 

De Sarzec, 23 

Descent of Ishtar, 31 

Dib'-ba-ra, g, 31 

Dil'-mun, island, 259 

Diploma, ancient Babylonian, 
86 f. 

Diy-ar'-bekr, c, 164 

Dun'-gi I., k, 64 

Dun'-gi II., 65, 137 

Dur Assur, c, 195 

Dur'-at-ka'-ra, c, 257 

Dur P-lu, c, 246, 306 

Dur Ku'-ri-gal'-zu, c, 138, 168, 

Dur Na'-bu, c, 257 

Dur Shar-ru'-kin, c, 18, 259-261 

E'-A, g, 51, 100 

Eclipse of June 15, 763 b. c, 

41, 207 
ij-din'-gir-a-na'-gin, k, 59, 83 



Edom, d, 232 

E'-gi-bi, family of, 355 

Egypt, Hyksos invasion of, 

131 ; advance into Syria, 

132 f. ; in Kassite period, 147 ; 
in time of Sargon, 247, 249; 
conquered by Esarhaddon, 
295-297, 300 f.; under Ash- 
urbanipal, 303 f., 320; in 
time of Nebuchadrezzar II., 
339, 342, 353 ; of Cyrus, 373 

E'-kal-la'-ti, c, 168, 277 

Ekron, c, 269 ff. 

E'-ku-a, shrine, 361 

E'-kur, temple of Nippur, 23, 
115, 146 

Elam, place and people, 55 f. ; 
relations with Old Babylonia, 
60, 63, 64, 65 ; conquest of 
Babylonia and expulsion, 66- 
68, 109 f . ; relations with 
Nebuchadrezzar I., 157; re- 
appearance in Babylonio- 
Assyrian politics, 246 ; rela- 
tions yviih Sennacherib, 275 ; 
with Esarhaddon, 290 ; con- 
quest by Ashurbanipal, 311 

El'-la-sar (Larsam), 52 

Engraving, 97 

En ki, 101 

EnMil (Bel), 100 

En'-ne-a'-tum, k, 59 

En'-shag-sag (kish)'-a-na, k, 59 

En-te'-men-a, k, 59; silver vase 
of, 95 

Epic, see " Creation " and " Gil- 
gamesh " 

Epochs of Babylonio-Assyrian 
history, 43-46 

E'-rech, c, 52 

E'-ri-du, c, 20, 51 f., 74 

E-sag'-i-la, temple, 112 

E'-sar-had'-don, k, memorials, 
19, 285 f , 296 f . ; governor 
of Babylon, 277, 285 ; becomes 
king of Assyria, 284 ; build- 
ing operations, 286 ; rebuild- 
ing of Babylon, 287; policy 
toward Babylon, 288 ; east- 
ern and northern wars, 291- 
293 ; western difficuhies, 
293 f. ; Egyptian wars, 295- 
297; arrangements for the 
succession, 298; estimate of, 

E-ta'-na, hero, 31 

E'-tem-en-an'-ki, shrine, 335 

Ethiopians in Egypt, 247, 249, 
295-297, 304 

Eubcea, 148 

Eu-phra'-tes, r, source, course, 
and relation to Babylonian 
life and history, 3-6, 162 

Evil-merodach, k, 349 

Excavations in Babylonia and 
Assyria, in middle ages, 15 ; 
the preparatory period, 16 ff.; 
the heroic period, 18 ff. ; the 
modern scientific period, 22 

Expansion, early Babylonian, 
58, 106 

Ezekiel, 357 

E'-zi-da, temple, 112 

Family in Old Babylonia, 79 
Food in Old Babylonia, 78 
" Four Regions," king of, 58 
Fresnel, 20 
Furniture of Babylonian house, 

Future life, 104 

Gam-bu'-li, p, 257, 290, 306 
Gam'-gum, c, 254 



Gath, c, 250 

Gaza, c, 232, 248 

Gedaliah, n, 341 

Gerrha, c, 354 

Gil'-ga-mesh Epic, 31, 68, 89, 

91, 105 
Gil'-zan, d, 188, 190, 219 
Gi'-mil Sin, k, 65 
Gi-mir'-rai, p, 291, 293, 305 
Gir'-ra, g, 31 
Gish'-ban, c, 53, 59 
God, idea of, in old Babylonian 

religion, 102 
Go'-zan, c, 206 f. 
Grotefend, 25 
Gu-ba'-ru, o, 374 
Gu'-de-a, k, 63, 88 ; statues of, 

95; pantheon of, 100 
GuMa, g, 298 
Gur'-gum, d, 229 
Gu'-ti, p, 55, 159 
Gu'-ti-um, d, 69, 125 f. 
Gu-za'-na, c, 206 
Gyges, k, 305, 313, 320 

Hadrach, c, 217 

Halys, r, 333 

Hamath, c, 183, 213, 216, 229 f., 
248, 367 

Hanging Gardens, 22 

Hanno, k, 232, 248 f. 

Haran, c, 55, 58, 160, 243, 335, 

Ha-ta'-ri-ka, c, 217 

Haupt, 26 

Hauran, d, 215 

Hazael of Aribi, k, 295 

Hazael of Damascus, k, 215 

Ha'-zu, d, 295 

Hebrew literature, influenced 
by Babylonia, 91, 357; tradi- 
tions, 131; kingdom, 182 f. 

Hecatseus, 38 

Hermon, m, 215 

Herodotus, 38, 323, 356, 374 

Hezekiah, k, 268, 270 f. 

Hillah, 15 

Hincks, E., 25 f. 

Hiram I., k, 183 

Hiram III., 367 

Historical tradition, absence of 

continuous, 37 
Hit, c, 11, 342 
flittites, see " Khatti " 
Hol'-wan, pass, 74, 157, 186 
Hophra, k, 341 f. 
Hoshea, k, 233, 241 
Hunting a kingly work, 82 

I-a-kin'-lu, k, 303, 305 

T-a'-mut-bal, d, 67, 110 

I-di'-bi-il, k, 234 

I-ka-u'-su, k, 294 

Il-li'-pi, d, 252, 265 

" Illumination of Bel," 34 

I-lu-bi'-di (Ja-u-bi-di), k, 248 

Tm'-gur Bel, c, 206, 208 

Im-me'-rum, k, 108 

In'-da-bi'-gash, k, 310 

India, 12, 74 

Indo-European migrations in 
Sargon's time, 253, 291 ; sup- 
plant Semites in world-leader- 
ship, 376 

P-ne Sin, k, 65 

Interest, 77 

International relations in Kas- 
site period, 147 f . ; politics in 
15th century, 133 f . ; in time 
of Tiglathpileser III., 226 f. 

I-nuh'-sa-mar, o, 110 

Inundation of Tigris and Eu- 
phrates, 7 

I-ran' 205 



I-ran'-zu, k, 251 

Ir'-ba Ad'-ad, k, 178 

Ir-khul-e'-ni, k, 214 

Irrigation, 72 

Isaiah, 232, 250, 268 ; second 

Isaiah, 357 
Ish'-me Da'-gan, k, 128 
Ish'-pa-ka, k, 293 
Ish-pu-i'-nis, k, 219 
Ish'-tar, g, 37, 52, 100, 104, 

133, 319 
Ish-tu-ve'-gu, k, 368 
Isin, city, 109; dynasty, 65 
Israel, 213 ; see " Plebrew " and 

" West-land " 
Issus, 166 
I-ta-ma'-ra, k, 249 
I-to-ba'-al I., k, 269, 294 
I-to-ba'-al II., 342 
I-tu'-ha, p, 212 

Ja-u'-di, d, 230 

Jehoahaz, k, 215 

Jehoiachin, k, 340, 350 

Jehoiakim, k, 336, 339 

Jehu, k, 215 

Jeroboam II., k, 218 

Jerusalem, c, 235, 341 

Josiah, k, 322, 346 

Judah, 230, 232; in Sargon's 
time, 249 f . ; under Senna- 
cherib, 270 f.; under Nebu- 
chadrezzar II., 339-342, 346 f. ; 
see " West-land " 

Judaism, influenced by New 
Babylonia, 359 f. 

Judiciary under Khammurabi, 

Ka-caiAlu, c, 109 
Kad-ash'-man Bel, k, 135, 147 
Kad-ash'-man-bu'-ri-as, k, 141 

Kad-ash'-man-khar'-be, k, 136 

Kak'-zi, c, 196 

Kal'-ah Sher'-gat, c, 19 

Kaldi, enter Babylonia, 181 ; re- 
lations with Assyrian kings, 
211, 236 ; lords of Babylonia, 
334 ; civilization, 352 f. ; see 
" Mardukbaliddin " 

Kal'-khi, 19, 128; capital of 
Assyria, 140; under Assyrian 
kings, 190 f., 201, 321 

Kal-li'-ma Sin, k, 138 

Kam-ma'-nu, d, 254 

Kan-da-la'-nu, k, 310, 320 

Ka'-ra-in'-dash, k, 135, 145 

Ka'-ra-khar'-dash, k, 136 

Ka-ral', k, 230 

Kar Ashurna9irpal, c, 193 

Kar Esarhaddon, c, 294 

Ka-ras'-tu, o, 159 

Kar-dun'-i-ash, d, 124, 145 

Kar-kash'-shi, n, 292 

Kar'-khem-ish, c, 193, 213, 229, 
253 f.; spoil of, 199; tribute 
of, 203 ; battle of, 335 

Kar-zi-yabk'-khu, d, 157 f. 

Ka'-shi-a'-ri, m, 162 

Kash'-shu, see " Kassites " 

Kash'-ta-rit, n, 292 

Kasr, 360 

Kas'-si, 139 

Kassites, native home, 123 ; ap- 
pearance in Babylonia, 113, 
124 ; conquest, 124 ; influence 
on Babylonian life, 144 ; an- 
tagonism of Assyria to, 132; 
periods of their rule, 122 f . ; 
literature under, 145 f. ; re- 
ligious policy of, 145 f. 

Kedarenes, p, 312 

Ken'-gi, d, 59 

Kha-bur', r, 4, 6 f., 191 



Kbal'-di-a, d, 218 

Khal'-dis, g, 218 

Khal'-la-hi, c, 112 

Khal-lu'-shu, k, 273-275 

Khal'-man (Aleppo), 183, 218, 

Kha-lu'-le, c, 276 

KhaDi'-mu-ra'-bi, inscriptions of, 
109; wars, 110; buildings 
and canals, 111 f . ; relation to 
Assur, 128; organization of 
his empire, 114; services to 
religion and literature, 88, 

Kha'-ni, p, 125 

Kha'-ti, p, 133 

Kbat'-ti, p, 139, 155, 165 f. 

Kbe'-bar, r, 340 

Khin-da'-nu, c, 216 

Khor'-sa-bad, c, 18 

Khub-ush'-ki-a, d, 188, 190, 

Khum'-ba-ba, k, 68 

Khum-ba'-ni-gash, k, 246, 306 

Khum'-ma-khal'-dash I., k, 289 f. 

Khum'-ma-khal'-dash II., 289 f. 

Khum'-ma-khal'-dash III., 310 f., 

Khu-nu'-sa, c, 167 

Khur'-ba-tiMa, k, 137 

Khus'-ur, r, 278 f. 

Kimmerians, see " Gimirrai " 

Ki'-ne-la-da'-nos, k, 320 

King, in Old Babylonia, 81 f., 
105 f. ; worshipped as god, 
66, 82, 147 f. ; significance of, 
in Babylonia, 236 f., 307, 356 

Kings' lists, 41 f. 

Kir, c, 234 

Kir'-bit, d, 304 

Kir'-khi, p, 164, 187 f. 

Kir-ru'-ri, p, 188, 206 

Kir'-zan, d, 219 
Kish, c, 53, 59, 109, 112, 267 
Kou-yun'-jik, 18, 279 
Ku'-dur-lag'-a-mar, k, ^9 
Ku'-dur-mab'-uk, k, 67 
Ku'-dur-na-khun'-di, k, 67, 275 
Kul-la'-ni, c, 230 
Ku-lu'-nu, c, 53 
Ku'-ri-gal'-zu I., k, 134 ff. 
Ku'-ri-gal'-zu IL, 137 f., 145 
Kur'-ti, p, 164 
Ku'-tha, c, 23, 53 
Ku'-ti, p, 139 

La'-ba-shi Marduk, k, 349 
Labor, differentiation of, 73 
La'-bo-so-ar'-chod, k, 349 
Lachish, c, 271, 341 
La'-gash, see " Shipurla " 
Land-making at shore of gulf, 5 
Land values under Khammu- 

rabi, 114 
Lar'-sam, c, 20, 52, 66, 67, 112 
Law, literature of, 34 ; of family, 
79; importance of, 'in Old 
Babylonia, 83 f. 
Layard, 14 f., 18 f. 
Libnah, c, 271 

Library, 90 ; of Assyrian kings, 
209 ; of Ashurbanipal, 19, 21, 
315 f. 
Li'-mu, and limu lists in As- 
syria, 40 f., 152, 186, 205 f. 
Literature, relations of Baby- 
lonian and Assyrian, 30 ; 
under Khammurabi, 116; 
under Kassites, 150; under 
Sennacherib, 280 ;. under Ash- 
urbanipal, 315 f.; in New 
Babylonia, 357; purpose of, in 
Old Babylonia, 86 ; forms, 87 ; 
religious element, 31: histor- 



ical element, 32 ; diplomatic 
and legal, 33 f. ; scientific, 34 ; 
light, 35 ; general character- 
ist'cs, 35 f., 88 . ; value and 
influence of, 90 f. 

Loftus, 20 

Lu-bar'-na, k, 193 

Lub'-di, p, 313 

Lu'-gal-zag'-gi-si, k, 60 

LuMi, k, 268 

LulMu-bi, p, 55, 139, 157, 159 

Lu'-ti-pris, k, 218 

Lydia, 305, 313, 320, 333, 373 

Ma'-dai, 220; see "Media," 

Madyes, k, 323 

Ma'-i-9a, c, 194 

Ma'-i-ra'-tu, 73 

Ma'-khal-la'-ta, c, 194 

Ma'-rai-ti-ar'-shu, k, 290 

Manasseh, k, 294, 303, 312 

Man'-9u-a'-te, c, 216 f. 

Man'-da, see "Media," etc. 

Man'-riai, p, 220, 251, 291 f., 313 

Manufacturing in Old and New 
Babylonia, 73 f., 353 f. 

Mar, c, 52, 73 

Ma-rash', c, 216 

Mar'-duk, god of Babylon, 53, 
100, 107, 115, 117, 125, 337, 
348, 358, 375 

Mar'-duk-bal-id'-din I., k, 17, 
142, 149 f. 

Mar'-duk-bal-id'-din IT., of Bit 
Jakin, first appearance of, 
236; wars with Sargon, 246 ., 
257-259; king in Babylon, 
255-257, 267; wars with Sen- 
nacherib, 267,272; influence 
in the west, 269 ; disappear- 
ance of, 273 

Marduk-bel-u-sa'-te, k, 210 

Marduk-na-din-akh'-i, k, 156, 
168, 277 

Marduk-na-din'-shum, k, 210 

Marduk-sa-pik-zer'-im, k, 172 

Marduk-za-kir'-shum, k, 269 

Ma'-ri (Ben Hadad III), k, 216 

Marriage in Babylonia, 79 

Mar'-tu, see " West-land," 113 

Ma'-si-us, m, 162 

Ma-tan-ba'-al, k, 294 

Mathematics among the Baby- 
lonians, 93 

Ma'-ti-iMu, k, 228 f. 

Ma-za'-mu-a, d, 206, 220 

Medes, appearance, 220 ; under 
Esarhaddon, 291 ; under As- 
hurbanipal, 313, 321; tradi- 
tions of, 323 ; Are they the 
Manda ? 333 ; relations to 
Nabuna'id, 368 

Media, 228 

Median Wall, 343 

Medicine, 93, 147 

Megiddo, c, 322 

Menahem, k, 231 

Menander of Tyre, 240 f., 270, 

Men'-u as, k, 220 

Mer-ba'-al, k, 367 

Mercenaries in Assyria, 262 f., 

Merchants, 76 

Mes'-i-lim, k, 59 

Mesopotamia, geology and geog- 
raphy of, 3 f. ; climate and 
productions. 8-10; fauna, 10 

Metre in Babylonian poetry, 31 

Michanx. 17 

Migrations, 179 f. 

Mil' dish, d, 165 

Mi'-lid, c, 166, 216, 220, 229, 254 



Mi-!i-shi'-kliu, k, 142, 149 
Military, see " Army " 
Mil'-ki-a-sha'-pa, k, 294 
Mi-lukh'-kha, d, 250 
Minean Kingdom, 180 
Mi'-ta, k, 251, 253-255 
Mi-tan'-ni, d, 133 
Mi-tin'-na, k, 235 
Mi-tin'-ti of Ashdod, k, 250, 

Mi-tin'-ti of Askalon, k, 294 
Money, see " Coinage" 
Mo-sul', c, 15 

Mu-bal'-li-tat-sir-u'-a, q, 136 
Mu9'-ri, p, (northern) 140, 166; 

(southern) 233 f., 241, 248 f., 

Mu9'-ur, d, 248 
Mu9-u'-ri, 294 
Mugheir, see " Ur " 
]\Iu-kal'-lu, k, 305 
Mu-ra'-shu, family, 355 
Mu-she'-zib Marduk, k, 275 f. 
Mush'-khi, p, 155, 251, 253-255 
Mu'-tak-kil Nus'-ku, k, 156 
Mut-ki'-nu, c, 169, 178 

Nabateans, 312 

Nabonassar, see " Nabuna^ir," 

Na'-bu, g, 53, 100, 210, 321, 348, 

358, 364 
Na'-bu-a-pal-id'-din, k, 23, 181 
Nabu-ba-lat-su-iq'-bi, n, 367 
Nabu-bel-shu'-me, n, 310 
Xabu-ku-dur'-ri-u'-9ur, k, 335 
Nabu-na 9ir, k, 212, 236 
Nabu-na'-din-zi'-ri, k, 236 
Nabu-na'-'id. k, memorials of, 
23, 24, 322, 324, 335, 349 f., 
352; a Babylonian, 367; ac- 
tivity in the west, 367 f. ; re- 

lation to Medes, 368 ; attitude 
towards Cyrus, 368 ; his an- 
tiquarian researches, 42, 369- 
371; building, 371; policy, 
371 f,, 374; last year of his 
reign, 374 f. 
Nabu-pal-id'-din, k, 192, 210 
Nabu-pal-u'-9ur, k, 322, 324, 

325, 333-337 
Nabu shum-ish'-kun, k, 186 
Nabu-shum-li'-sher, n, 337 
Nabu-shura-u'-kin, k, 236 
Nabu-zer'-na-pish'-ti-li'-shir, n, 

Xa-i-bi'-na, c, 206 
Na-di'-nu, k, 236 
Nahr-el-kelb', r, 159, 297 
Xah-ri'-na, d, 4 
Nahum, 322, 325 
Na'-id Marduk, n, 290 
Na-i'-ri, p, 166, 169, 187 f., 231 
Na-khi'-ru, sea monster, 169, 

Na'-mar, d, 157 
Nam'-ri, p, 228 
Na'-na, of Uruk, g, 67 
Na-qi'-a, q, 278, 290, 302 
Na'-ram Sin, k, memorials of, 
24, 61 ff, 78, 95; career of, 
63; date of, 42, 61, 370 f. 
Na'-zi-bu'-gas, k, 137 
Na'-zi-mar-ut'-tash, k, 139 
Neb-i-yun'-us, 18, 279 
Nebuchadrezzar I., 156; ejects 
the Elamites, 157; his deed 
of gift, 157 ; his western cam- 
paign, 158 f. 
Nebuchadrezzar TI., memorials, 
1 7, 20 ; accession, 336 f. ; cam- 
paign against Xecho II., 
335 f. ; Median alliance, 324, 
838 ; administration of, 338 f.; 



wars in the west, 339-342 ; 
works for Babylonia, 22, 
342 f . ; estimate of his poUcy, 
343-347; his religion and 
person aUty, 347-349 

Necho I., 297, 304 

Necho II., 322, 33.6 f., 339 

Ner'-gal, g, 53, 100 

Nergal-shar-u'-^ur, k, 349 f., 

Nergal-u-she'-zib, k, 274 f. 

Neriglissar, k, 349 

New Babylonia, under the Kaldi 
a renaissance of Old Baby- 
lonia, 352 ; literature, 352 f. ; 
revival of agriculture and in- 
dustry, 353 f,; disappearance 
of old aristocracy, 354 f . ; city 
life intensified, 355 ; fashion, 

355 ; the family, 356 ; army, 

356 f. ; literature and art, 

357 f.; religion and moralsy 

358 f. 

Ni-bar'-ti Ashur, c, 193 

Niebuhr, 16 

Niflfer, see " Nippur " 

Nim'-me, d, 188 

Nim'-mu-ri'-ya, k, 147 

Nim-rud', c, 16, 19, 22 

Ni'-na, g, 92 

Nin'-e-veh, c, 15, 22, 128 ; Sen- 
nacherib's capital, 278 ; its 
area and fortifications, 278 f. 
under Ashurbanipal, 314 
traditions of its fall, 323-324 
date of its capture, 326 

Nin-gir'-su, g, 100 

Nin'-ib, g, 112, 191 

Ninib-a'-pal-e'-kur, k, 142 

Ninus, k, 358 

Nip'-pur, c, 20, 23, 52 f., 74, 
145, 322 

Ni'-pur, m, 265 
Nir'-bi, p, 189 
Ni-sa'-ba, g, 314 
Ni'-san, 94 
Ni'-si-bis, c, 206 
Nis'-roch, g, 278 
Ni-to'-cris, q, 354 
Nowawis, see " Eridu *' 
Nu'-khush-ni'-shi, canal, 111 
Nur Ad'-ad, k, 6Q 
Nus'-ku, g, 278 

O-an'-nes, hero, 51 f. 
Officials in Assyria, 196 
Oman, d, 12 
Omri, k, 214 ; " land of Omri," 

Opis, c, 374; see " Api " 
Oppert, 20, 25 f. 
Orontes, r, 193 

Pa'-dan, d, 125 f. 

IV-di, k, 269, 271 

Pa'-'e, k, 311, 319 

Pa-gu'-tu, 169, 194 

Pa-las'-tu, d, 216 

Pan-ani'-mu, k, son of Karal, 230 

Pan-am'-mu, k, son of Bar 9r, 
230, 231, 233 f. 

Paq-ru'-ru, k, 304 

Parallelism in Babylonian poe- 
try, 36 

Par'-su-a, d, 220 

Parties, strife of, in Assyria, 
223 f. ; under Sargon II , 243 ; 
under Esarhaddon, 288 f. ; in 
Babylonia under the Kaldi, 
387 f., 350, 371 f., 374 

Pa'-she, dynasty of, 156 

Pa'-te-si, o, 81, 128 

Pa'-tin, d, 183, 193, 205, 213, 
216, 228 



Pekah, k, 232 f. 

Penitential Psalms, 102 

Persian gulf, 5 

Persians, in Elam, 321 ; under 
Cyrus, 368 

Philistines, 182, 232 

Phoenician artists in Assyria, 

Phraortes, k, 323 

Phrygia, c, 182, 291 

Pi'-ru, k, 249 

Pi'-sa-mil'-ku, k, 304 

Pi-si'-ris, k, 253 

Place, Victor, 18 

Poetry, early Babylonian, 89 

Post system, 114 

Property, 77 

Provincial government in Assyr- 
ian Empire, 238, 2G1 f., 300, 
317; in New Babylonia, 34 7 

Psamtik I., k, 304, 320, 323 

Ptolemy, Canon of, 39, 212, 320, 

Pu'-di-iMu, k, 137 f. 

Pul (Pulu), k, 231, 236 

Pur Sa-ga'-li, o, 41 

Pur'-u-kuz'-zi, p, 155 

Pu'-zur-a'-shur, k, 135 

Qar'-qar, c, 214, 248 
Qa'-ush-gab'-ri, k, 294 
Qi'-pu, o, 19G, 234 
Quadruple Alliance 373 
Qu'-i (Cilicia), d, 216, 229, 254 
Qu-ma'-ni, d, 167 
Qum'-mukh, d, 155, 164 f., 187, 
205, 229, 255 

Ka-cap'-pa, c, 205 
Ra-da'-nu, r, 7 
Rameses II., k, 146 
Ra-phi'-a, c, 249 

Ra-pi'-khi, c, 249 
Rassam, H., 19, 21 f. 
Rawlinson, Sir Henry, 18, 20 f., 

25 f. 
Reading and writing in Old 

Babylonia, 87, 90 
Religion, of Old Babylonia, 

100 f. ; central in life, 80, 105 ; 

influence on science, 92 ; in 

literature 31f.,88; estimate 

of, 132 f. ; of Assyria, 152 f; 

under Adadnirari III., 210; 

in New Babylonia, 358 f. 
Rent, 72 
Res'-eph, c, 205 
Rezon, k, 232-254 
Rich, C. J., 16 f. 
Ri'-khat, 227, 258 
Rim Sin, k, 67, 109 f. 
Rit'-ti Marduk, n, 157 
Robinson, Edward, 17 
Royal Road, 166 
Ruins of Mesopotamian cities, 15 
Ru'-sas I., k, 251 

Sa'-ba, d, 249 

Sa'-ba-ra'-hin, c, 240 

Sabbath, 104 

Sabeans, 180, 234 

SaMs, c, 297 

Sa'-khi, p, 313 

Sa-raaK, d, 183, 213, 229, 255, 

Samaria, 214, 241 f., 245, 248 
Sam'-mu-ra'-mat, q, 211 
Sam'-si, q, 234, 249 
Sam'-si-mu-ru'-na, k, 294 
Sam'-su-di-ta'-na, k, 113 
Sam'-su-il-u'-na, k, 109, 112 f. 
San'-da-sar'-me, k, 305 
San'-du-aiZ-ri, k, 294 




San'-ga-ra, k, 193 

Sa'-pi-a, c, 236 

Sar'-a-cus, k, 323 f. 

Sar'-da na-pa'-lus, k, 318, 323 f. 

Sar-dur'-is I., k, 218 

Sar-diii'-is IT., 219 

Sar-dur'-is TIT., 229 

Sar-durMs IV., 313 

Sargon I., of Agade, inscrip- 
tions and career of, 61 ff. ; 
date of, 42, 370 ; services to 
literature, 88 

Sargon II , of Assyria, accession, 
242 f.; political and religious 
policy, 243-245 ; Babylonian 
difficulties and triumphs, 245 f., 
255-259; western expeditions, 
248-250 ; in the north and 
northwest, 250-255 ; his new 
city and palace, 18, 259-261; 
his administration and organ- 
ization of the Empire, 261- 
264 ; death, 264 

Sayce, A. H., 26 

Schrader, E., 26 

Science in Old Babylonia, 34, 

Scythians, 293, 323 

Seal cylinders, 96, 355 

Sem-ir'-a-mis, q, 212, 358 

Semitic population of Babylonia, 

Sen'-ke-reh, see " Larsam " 

Sen-nach'-er-ib, crown prince, 
253 ; accession, 264 ; Baby- 
lonian difficulties, 266-268, 
272-277, 168; western cam- 
paigns, 269-272, 265; naval 
expedition, 273 f . ; family 
troubles, 277 f. ; building op- 
erations, 19, 278 f., estimate 
of his work, 280-283 

Se'-we (So), k, 241 
Sha'-ba-ko, k, 249 
Sha'-hi, k, 241 
Sha'-bi-to'-ku, k, 295 
Shak'-kan-ak Bel, 262, 289 
Shak'-nu, o, 196 

Shal-man-e'-ser I., capital at 

Kalkhi, 19, 140; campaigns, 

139-141; temple-building, 153 

Shalmaneser II., memorials, 19, 

204, 208; tribute list, 205; 

campaigns in Babylonia, 210 f. ; 

western expeditions, 213- 

216; wars with Urartu, 219; 

rebellion of his son, 206 ; his 

public works, 207 f. ; religion, 

209 ; art of his time, 22, 208 

Shalmaneser III., 204, 220 

Shalmaneser IV., 237,240-242 

Shal-man'-u-a-shar'-i-du, 153 

Sham'-ash, sun god, 52, 100, 

292, 359, 370, 371 
Sham'-ash-mu-dam'-miq, k, 186 
Sham'-ash-shum-u'-kin, k, 298, 

302, 307-310 
Sham'-shi Ad'-ad I., k, 128 
Sham'-shi Ad'-ad III., 172 
Shara'-shi Ad'-ad IV., monolith, 
19 ; campaigns in Babylonia, 
211 ; wars with Urartu, 219 
Sha-nit'-ka, g, 244 
Shar-ga'-ni-shar-a'-li, see " Sar- 
gon I." 
Shar Kish-sha'-ti, o, 140 
Shar'-ru-i'-lu, g, 244 
Shar'-ru-lu-da'-ri, k, 304 
Shar'-ru-u'-kin, k, 243 
Shatt-el-IIai, canal, 52 
Shesh'-onk I., k, 185 
Shir-purMa, c, 23, 52, 59 
Shu-ba'-ri, p, 165, 167, 324, 335 
Shu-bar'-ti, p, 165 



Shu'-ka-mu'-na, g, 125 

Shu-mash'-ti, p, 165 

Shumer and Akkad, d, 58 

Shu-par'-shak, o, 238, 245 

Shup'-ri-a, c, 293 

Shu'-tur-na-khun'-di, k, 256, 258 

Shu'-zub, the Babylonian, 274 

Shu'-zub, the Kaldean, 272, 275 

Si'-bi, k, 249 

Sidon, c, 194, 215 ; favored by 
Sennacherib, 269, 274; re- 
bellion and subjugation of, 
293 f. 

Si-ma'-nu, month, 73 

Sin, moon god, 52, 100 

Sinai, 74 

Sin-id'-din-am, k, BG, 67 

Sin-id'-din-am, o, 110 

Sin-ga-miK, k, 65 

Sin-ga-shid', k, 65 

Sin'-mu-bal'-lit, k, 108 f, 110 

Sin'-shar-ish'-kun, k, 321 f. 

Sin'-shum-li'-sir, k, 322 

Sin-ukh'-tu, d, 253 

Sip'-par, c, 23 f., 53, 112, 168, 

Slavery and slaves, 75 

Smith, George, 21 f. 

So (Sewe), k, 248 f. 

Solomon, 183 

Sparta, 373 

Spirit worship, 101 

Saint Albert, Emmanuel de, 16 

State, Early Babylonian, 80 f. 

Sub'-nat, r, 7 

Su'-khi, p, 192 

Sumerian problem, philological 
side, 29 f. ; historical side, 
54 ; theoretic constructions of 
early history, 61 

Su'-mu-a'-bu, k, 108 

Su-mu'-l9,-iMu, k, 108 f. 

Su'-ru, p, 191 f. 

Surveying, 77 

Su'-sa, c, 306, 311 

Su'-ti, p, 136, 139, 181, 256 

Su-zi'-gas, k, 137 

" Synchronistic History," 33, 
126, 209 

Syria, under Babylonian influ- 
ence, 132, 154; under Egyp- 
tian rule, 133; advance about 
1000 B. c, 182-184 ; leading 
states in time of Shalmaneser 
11., 213 ; see " West-land" 

Ta-bal', d, 216, 229, 253 f., 
265, 305 

Tablets of clay, 90 

Tab'-u-a, q, 295 

Ta-har'-qa, k, 295, 297, 303 f. 

Talbot, Fox, 25 f. 

Ta-li'-mu, 337 f. 

Tam'-ma-ii'-tu, k, 306, 310, 319 

Tan'-da-ma'-ni, k, 304 

Tanis, c, 183 

Ta-nut'-a-mon, k, 304 

Tar'-qu, see " Taharqa " 

Tarsus, c, 216 

Tar'-zi, c, 216 

Tash-ri'-tu, month, 72 

Tas'-shi-gu-ru'-mash, k, 125 

Taurus, m, 6 f., 162 

Taxation, 72, 83 

Taylor, J. E., 20 

Tef'-nakht, k, 247 

TeMa, c, 196 

Tel Ede, see " Mar " 

Tel-el- A-mar'-na letters, 33, 134 

Tel Ibrahim', see " Kutha" 

Tello', see " Shirpurla " 

Te'-ma, c, 372 

Temple, centre of ancient Baby- 
lonian life, 80, 98, 223 



Tenant farmers, 72, 76 

Ter'-e-don, c, 353 

Te-um'-man, k, 306, 318 

Te-ush'-pa, k, 291 

Text books, 86 

Thar'-oal, k, 69 

Thebes, 297, 304 

Thutmose' III., 134 

Ti'-a-mat, g, 103, 116 

Ti'-dal, k, 69 

Tig'-lath-pi-le'-ser I. , memorials, 
26, 32, 128, 169, 171 f. ; ac- 
cession, 160 ; northwestern 
wars, 164 f., 169 ; western ex- 
peditions, 168 f. ; Babylonian 
war, 168; Elamite campaign, 
169 ; policy of expansion, 166 ; 
incorporation, 170; organiza- 
tion of concpiests, 1 70 ; eco- 
nomic measures, 171 ; art in 
his time, 171 f . ; length of 
reign, 169 

Tiglathpileser 11. , 185 

Tiglathpileser III., accession, 
207, 224, 227 ; religion in 
his reign, 224 ; memorials, 
225 f. ; Babylonian campaigns, 
227, 235 ; Eastern wars, 228 ; 
wars in the west, 228-231, 
232-235 ; campaigns against 
Urartu, 231 f. ; king of Baby- 
lon, 236 f. ; estimate of, as an 
organizer of empire, 237-240 

Tigris, r, source, 3, 162; course 
and characteristic features, 7 

Til Ab'-ni, c, 206 

Time in Old Babylonia, 94 

Titles, early royal, 58 

Totality, king of, 58 

Tower of Babel, 15 

Triads of gods, 101, 244 

Tribute, gathered from con- 

quered lands described, 19S; 

under Shalmaneser II, 204 f. ; 

list of 734 B. c, 234 ; of Esar- 

haddon, 294; of Ashurbanipal, 

Tug-dam'-mi, k, 313 
Xu-kul'-ti-a'-shur-aQ'-bat, c, 1 95 
Tu-kul'-ti Nin'-ib I., k, 141, 237 
Tu-kul'-ti Nin'-ib II , 186 
Tul-liz', c, 306 
Tur'-nat, r, 17, 374 
Tur'-tan, o, 40, 204 
Tur-us'-pa, c, 231 
Tush'-kha, c, 189, 196, 206 
Tu-tam'-mu, k, 229 
Tyre, 183, 194, 215, 229, 235, 

241, 268 f., 270, 296 f., 342, 


U'-A-i'-TE, k, 311, 319 

U-alMi, k, 313 

U'-da, c, 195 

U-ish'-dish, k, 251 f. 

U-kar-i'-nu, wood, 194 

U-kin'-zir, k, 236 

Uk'-nu, r, 227, 257 'j 

UMa, r, 157, 306 

Ul-lu-su'-nu, k, 252 

U'-lul-a'-a, k, 240 

Um'-man-man'-da, p, 324 f. 

Um'-man-me-na'-nu, k, 275, 289 

Un'-qi, d, 228 f. 

U'-pi, c, 168, 274, 374 

Ur, c, excavations, 20 ; position 
and importance, 52, 74, 181 ; 
dynasties of, 64 f. ; in iater 
history, 308 f. 

Ur-ar'-tu, d, rise of, 182; early 
culture,.,of, 209, 219; early 
history, 218 f . ; wars with 
Shalmaneser II., and his 
house, 207, 219-221; war? 



with Tiglathpileser III., 
228 f., ^31 f. ; in Sargon's 
time, 251 f . ; in Esarhaddon's 
time, 284 f., 291, 293 ; in time 
of Ashurbanipal, 312, 321 

Ur-a'-si, o, 196 

Ur Ba'-u, k, 63 

Ur Gur, k, 64, 98 

Ur-mi'-a, lake of, 219, 221 

Ur Ni'-na, k, 59, 83, 94 

Ursa III. (Rusas), 313 

Ur-ta'-ki, k, 290, 306 

Ur'-u-a-zag'-ga, c, 121 

Ur'-uk, c, excavations, 20 ; posi- 
tion, 52 ; early history, So, 
67 f.; in later times, 275, 
308 f., 322 

Ur'-u-kag'-in-a, k, 72 

LV-u-ki, c, 121 

Ush-pi'-na, k, 219 

U'-shu, wood, 194, 312 

U-tar'-gu, k, 290 

Uzziah, k, 230 

Van, lake of, 163 ; city of, 231 
Vulture stele, 59, 83, 95 

Wages, 75 

War'-ka, see " Uruk " 

West-land, early conquests by 
Babylonian kings, 60, 63, 66, 
69, 113; in Kassite period, 
154; entered by. Nebuchad- 
rezzar L, 158; by Tiglath- 
pileser L, 169 f,; by Ashur- 
na9irpal III., 193; under 
Shalmaneser II., 213-216; 
under his successors, 216 f . ; 
under Tiglathpileser III, 
228 f., 232 f.; under Sargon, 

245-250 ; under Sennacherib, 
268-272; under Esarhaddon, 
293-295 ; under Ashurbanipal, 
308, 312; under Necho II., 
322 ; under Nebuchadrezzar 
II., 338 f.; under Nabuna'id, 

Wife in Old Babylonia, 80 

" Wisdom," Babylonian, 31 

Women rulers, 66 

Worship in Old Babylonia, 103 f. 

Writing, origin, and character 
of Babylonio- Assyrian, 26 f. ; 
material basis of, 27 

Ya-i'-lu, k, 295, 311 
Yal'-man, m, 186 
Year, agricultural, 72 
Yem'-en, d, 74 

Zab, upper and lower, r, 7, 140 
Za-bi'-bi, q, 231 
Za'-bil ku-du'-ri, o, 196 
Za'-bum, k, 108 f. 
Zag-mu'-ku, festival, 361 
Zagros, m, 4, 12 
Za-ma'-ma, g, 112 
Za-ma'-ma-shum-id'-din, k, 142 
Za'-mu-a, d, 189, 198 
Zar'-i-lab, c, 112 
Zar-pa'-nit, g, 125 
Zechariah, 357 
Zedekiah, k, 340 f. 
Zi ki'-a, 101 
Zi a'-na 101 
Zi-kir'-tu, d, 251 f. 
Zig'-gu-rat, 98, 361 
Zobah, d, 183 
Zu, g, 31 




xiv. 69, 110 

I Samuel xxx. 8, 292 

I Kings 

xxii. 5, 15, 292 

II Kings 

5 xiv. 23-29, 218 


XV. 19, 20, 231 


XV. 26, 233 


xvi. 5, 232 


xvi. 9, 234 


xvi. 10 ff., 235 


xvii. 3, 4, 241 


xvii. 24-41, 317 


xviii. 5, 217 


xviii. and xix., 271 


xix. 36 f., 278 


XX. 1, 268 


XX. 12 f., 269 


xxiv. 1, 336 


xxiv. 2, 340 


xxiv. 3, 339 


xxiv. 7, 339 

II Kings XXV. 27 ff., 350 
II Chronicles xxviii. 17, 18, 232 
" xxxiii. 11, 312 

" xxxvi. 6 f., 339 

Ezra iv. 2, 800 
" iv. 10, 317 
Isaiah vii. 1-4, 232 
" XX. 3, 250 
" xxxvi. and xxxvii,, 271 
Jeremiah xxvii, 3, 341 
xxix. 3, 341 
" xxxiv. 7, 341 

" xlvi. 2, 335 

" xlix. 29, 340 

" li. 59, 341 

Ezekiel xvii. 4, 5, 354 
" xxiii. 14 f., 356 
" xlvii. 16, 240 
Nahum ii. 1, 325 
Habakkuk i. 8, 9, 357 

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